*This story, along with a couple others I wrote about it, eventually led to the indictment of GOP pollster Rod McCulloch in DuPage County. The case is still in the courts.
Township assessor defends petitions amid forgery claims
February 04 2005
James Fuller Daily Herald Staff Writer
If you believe Jim Gumm's nominating petitions for re-election as Milton Township assessor, he has the full support of Frank Haywood.
The Wheaton resident seems to support Gumm so much he signed Gumm's nominating petitions twice: once as Frank Haywood and again, directly below that, as Frank Hayward, at the same address.
The problem is the real Frank Haywood says he didn't pen either signature.
"Whoever did this was pretty dumb," he said. "If you're trying to hide something like two fake signatures, you'd think you'd bury them someplace other than one after the other."
That example, and possibly hundreds of others, are behind claims of fraud in a pending objection to Gumm's petitions.
If it proves true, Gumm could be booted off the April 5 ballot.
An unscientific check of the signatures suggests at least some might be false. Of eight people contacted, all said they never signed a Gumm petition.
A signature allegedly belonging to Scott Kozas seems particularly questionable. He's lived in Texas for the past year and a half, said his father, Michael, whose signature appears directly above on one petition.
"Jim Gumm? I don't even know who he is," Michael Kozas said.
Fellow Wheaton resident Wayne Hill also denied signing Gumm's petition.
"I don't even know where (Milton Township) is," Hill said.
Consultant Rod McCulloch obtained most of the nearly 750 signatures in question and said no one should be surprised by a few mistakes.
"There are errors on every set of petitions ever filed," he said.
McCulloch said he and a crew worked for four days during a snowstorm to get the names. He said he either personally obtained them or was within 15 feet of the signer.
It's not uncommon for someone to sign a fake name, McCulloch said. He's even seen rival campaigns send out people to sign phony names.
Keri-Lyn Krafthefer, the attorney for the objector, Joe Nesbitt, also noted that residents from the same streets appear on several different pages of petitions. That suggests an illogical effort of jumping block-to-block rather than door-to-door, she said.
McCulloch said those are the words of someone ignorant to the process.
"That's just stupid and a stupid complaint," he said. The multiple addresses are the result of workers taking breaks to get warm, he said. "For (them) to think that someone's going to walk for five hours on a street during a blizzard just shows the amateurishness of the complaint," he said. "It's just unfortunate that I've gotten caught up in this web of hatred they have for (Gumm)."
For his part, Gumm said he's certain the petitions circulated by 14 other volunteers are genuine.
What's really behind the objection, Gumm said, is politics. He said witnesses told him Milton Township Trustee Jim Flickinger submitted the objection with Nesbitt, though Flickinger's name does not appear on it.
Gumm said Flickinger wants to see him off the ballot so Flickinger can take credit for getting Gumm booted.
That effort began back when Gumm says Flickinger helped manufacture a sexual harassment claim against Gumm back in 2001. Flickinger is one of several defendants in a federal lawsuit Gumm filed, claiming a clandestine effort to smear his name to get him removed from office. All the defendants deny the allegations.
"This isn't going to stop until I walk away, and I'm not going to walk away," he said. "All I'm looking for is the opportunity to get on the ballot. Why not let the people make the choice?"
Flickinger declined to comment.
Gumm's ballot fate could be decided at a hearing, which will likely occur next week. The hearing panel would consist of township Supervisor Chris Heidorn, Clerk Arlene DeMotte and Trustee Barbara Murphy. But Murphy and Heidorn are also defendants in Gumm's suit. If they are dismissed or recuse themselves, the next most senior trustee, Ken McNatt, would replace one of them. But all trustees are potential witnesses in Gumm's federal suit.
If the township can't form its own hearing body, DuPage County Chief Judge Robert Kilander must appoint a hearing panel, said Doreen Nelson, assistant director of the DuPage election commission.
Nelson said the judge would possibly draw from members of the election commission's electoral board.
Wednesday
Watchdog: Is official a ghost payroller?
Is official a money saver or ghost payroller?
February 13 2005
James Fuller Daily Herald Staff Writer
By now, Ron Smith should be used to fighting for his job.
Smith is a code enforcement officer for Milton Township - a position that doesn't even exist in neighboring townships.
While he defends his post, saying he's called on to handle reports of illegally draining sump pumps, abandoned cars or greenery obstructing a line of sight on a township road, his critics say he's nothing more than a politically connected "ghost payroller" collecting a township salary for
work the county should handle.
Smith is an Illinois Republican Central Committeeman whose vote played a role in naming Andy McKenna the new leader of the state party. Smith is also known as a friend of former Illinois Senate President James "Pate" Philip.
Current township Trustee Don Sender of Wheaton goes as far as to call Smith a "ghost payroller."
The battle over the $18,000-a-year job will return to the spotlight in April when the decision to rehire Smith will fall under the power of a new township highway commissioner.
The past
The debate over Smith's job began to burn a little hotter in 2001 when Township Assessor Jim Gumm was accused of sexual harassment. Gumm believes Smith helped fabricate the charges to get him tossed out of office.
The township settled the lawsuit with Gumm's accusers despite his protests. Gumm is now suing Smith, several township officials and Philip for what Gumm believes was a clandestine group effort to smear him.
To head off any confrontations between Smith and Gumm, Smith was banned by the township's insurance carrier from entering town hall during business or lunch hours, said Barbara Murphy, township board member.
"It was strictly just to let things cool down for awhile," she said. "I frankly didn't like it because Ron is a citizen, and he had paperwork to do for his job, but he wasn't able to come in the building anymore. I thought, 'Doggone it, just let Jim Gumm behave for a change.'"
Hank Kruse, who was township supervisor at the time, paints a different picture, more in line with Gumm's lawsuit.
Gumm claims the defendants conspired to fabricate harassment claims against him in retaliation for raising assessments on the properties of the defendants' friends. Smith denies those claims and says he was a whistleblower who made sure women in the assessor's office were treated with respect.
But Kruse said Smith was an "unstable" employee who made physical threats against Gumm and was thus the "cause of great acrimony."
"I made it clear he was not allowed in the building," Kruse said. "If I'd had the power to terminate him, I would have."
Even now, Smith is under orders not to enter the assessor's offices at township hall.
Regardless of his role in the harassment claims and the Gumm lawsuit, Smith defends his job as an appointed part-time employee. He believes he has a solid track record of doing his job whenever called upon.
Vagueness of job
Smith, a Lombard resident, works without benefits for up to 600 hours per year at a salary of $18,000, the equivalent of about $30 per hour.
He was appointed to the post in 1999 because township officials thought, as a former township supervisor, he would know local laws, Smith said.
He's also secretary of the Illinois Republican Party and a longtime activist in the DuPage GOP.
Part of Sender's objection is that apparently no one keeps track of what Smith does.
For one, he doesn't write tickets to violators.
"We try to be informal," Smith said. "We don't want to give people fines. We just want to take care of the problem."
He also doesn't file reports of his township work.
Smith said because he can only work 600 hours a year, or roughly 2 1/2 hours a day, there's not enough time to write reports.
He does keep the message slips taken whenever someone calls the township with a problem that falls under his duties.
"That's basically my record as to what I've been doing," Smith said.
He couldn't say how many of those slips he receives in an average month.
"It depends on the time of year," he said.
During his recent reappointment, Smith held up a 2 1/2-inch thick, multicolored stack of phone message slips as evidence of his work. But the stack doesn't reflect all his work since 1999, he said, because he usually tosses a slip when the issue has been dead for six months or so.
Murphy admits the system for tracking Smith's time is flawed.
"I have no idea how to verify his hours," she said. "But how do you know when anyone is really working when they have a desk job?"
But she defends Smith, saying she hears him receive calls when he volunteers with her at DuPage County GOP headquarters.
"I hear him get calls all the time," she said. "I know he works."
Necessary job?
Addison, Wayne, York and Winfield townships all report they rely on county employees to solve the same problems Smith handles for Milton Township.
The county has six inspectors in its zoning and drainage departments. Plus, the sheriff's office has enforcement deputies with power to write tickets for things such as abandoned vehicles.
Residents in Milton Township pay an extra tax to help cover salaries for the deputies, but they remain under the jurisdiction of the sheriff's office.
Murphy said that's where the cost savings come in.
"Ron's job cuts down on taking time away from our people who really need to be out on the roads," she said. "Do you want your patrolmen to take time knocking on people's doors to tell them when water is backing up out of the big pipes on the sides of the roads? I would rather see them spending their time on patrol."
Milton workers referred all questions about the sheriff's deputies to Township Supervisor Chris Heidorn, who defends Smith's job as a "citizen-friendly" method of enforcing township-specific codes.
Heidorn said having the sheriff's officers do Smith's job would be a waste of their enforcement duties, and county inspectors lack the knowledge of township codes to do the job.
As far as the quality of Smith's work, "if there were ever any question about Mr. Smith's performance, I'm certain the highway commissioner would have advised the board of his dissatisfaction," said Heidorn in an e-mailed statement. "Instead, we have received only the highest recommendations of Mr. Smith."
Mike Dutton, the current highway commissioner, submitted a letter in support of Smith, but declined to talk about Smith's township job.
"I'm going to be out of there in four months," Dutton said in January. "I don't want to get involved."
Township Trustee Ken McNatt defends Smith as someone who "does a pretty good job."
Sheriff's deputies didn't do as good a job enforcing the codes Smith deals with when it was their responsibility, McNatt said, adding it shouldn't matter how other townships handle such work.
"Why do we have to care what the other townships do?" he said.
Trustee James Flickinger echoed McNatt and Murphy's sentiments.
Despite Smith's supporters, Sender's objections remain. He still questions the amount of work Smith does and the scant proof of the hours he keeps.
In hindsight, Sender said he regrets not making a close examination of the 2 1/2-inch thick stack of phone messages to make sure they were genuine.
Sender, who has voted against Smith each year, believes his stance against Smith and support of Gumm resulted in Sender also not being slated for re-election by the GOP. But he doesn't regret either position.
"I voted against Ron Smith every time," Sender said. "He's a troublemaker."
The future
While Smith successfully won enough votes from the Milton Township board in December to keep his job for another year, he has promised to resign in April when a new highway township commissioner is appointed, he says, so he or she can put a new team in place.
The man who's all but certain to become Smith's new boss is fellow Milton Township Republican Precinct Committeeman Gary Muehlfelt, the party's nominee for highway commissioner.
Muehlfelt declined comment for this report while he grieves a recent death in the family.
Flickinger, Murphy and McNatt all backed Smith for reemployment in December.
"He just really wants to do a good job," Murphy said. "He's a hard worker, and he's honest. To me, his job is the kind of thing that saves the taxpayers money."
February 13 2005
James Fuller Daily Herald Staff Writer
By now, Ron Smith should be used to fighting for his job.
Smith is a code enforcement officer for Milton Township - a position that doesn't even exist in neighboring townships.
While he defends his post, saying he's called on to handle reports of illegally draining sump pumps, abandoned cars or greenery obstructing a line of sight on a township road, his critics say he's nothing more than a politically connected "ghost payroller" collecting a township salary for
work the county should handle.
Smith is an Illinois Republican Central Committeeman whose vote played a role in naming Andy McKenna the new leader of the state party. Smith is also known as a friend of former Illinois Senate President James "Pate" Philip.
Current township Trustee Don Sender of Wheaton goes as far as to call Smith a "ghost payroller."
The battle over the $18,000-a-year job will return to the spotlight in April when the decision to rehire Smith will fall under the power of a new township highway commissioner.
The past
The debate over Smith's job began to burn a little hotter in 2001 when Township Assessor Jim Gumm was accused of sexual harassment. Gumm believes Smith helped fabricate the charges to get him tossed out of office.
The township settled the lawsuit with Gumm's accusers despite his protests. Gumm is now suing Smith, several township officials and Philip for what Gumm believes was a clandestine group effort to smear him.
To head off any confrontations between Smith and Gumm, Smith was banned by the township's insurance carrier from entering town hall during business or lunch hours, said Barbara Murphy, township board member.
"It was strictly just to let things cool down for awhile," she said. "I frankly didn't like it because Ron is a citizen, and he had paperwork to do for his job, but he wasn't able to come in the building anymore. I thought, 'Doggone it, just let Jim Gumm behave for a change.'"
Hank Kruse, who was township supervisor at the time, paints a different picture, more in line with Gumm's lawsuit.
Gumm claims the defendants conspired to fabricate harassment claims against him in retaliation for raising assessments on the properties of the defendants' friends. Smith denies those claims and says he was a whistleblower who made sure women in the assessor's office were treated with respect.
But Kruse said Smith was an "unstable" employee who made physical threats against Gumm and was thus the "cause of great acrimony."
"I made it clear he was not allowed in the building," Kruse said. "If I'd had the power to terminate him, I would have."
Even now, Smith is under orders not to enter the assessor's offices at township hall.
Regardless of his role in the harassment claims and the Gumm lawsuit, Smith defends his job as an appointed part-time employee. He believes he has a solid track record of doing his job whenever called upon.
Vagueness of job
Smith, a Lombard resident, works without benefits for up to 600 hours per year at a salary of $18,000, the equivalent of about $30 per hour.
He was appointed to the post in 1999 because township officials thought, as a former township supervisor, he would know local laws, Smith said.
He's also secretary of the Illinois Republican Party and a longtime activist in the DuPage GOP.
Part of Sender's objection is that apparently no one keeps track of what Smith does.
For one, he doesn't write tickets to violators.
"We try to be informal," Smith said. "We don't want to give people fines. We just want to take care of the problem."
He also doesn't file reports of his township work.
Smith said because he can only work 600 hours a year, or roughly 2 1/2 hours a day, there's not enough time to write reports.
He does keep the message slips taken whenever someone calls the township with a problem that falls under his duties.
"That's basically my record as to what I've been doing," Smith said.
He couldn't say how many of those slips he receives in an average month.
"It depends on the time of year," he said.
During his recent reappointment, Smith held up a 2 1/2-inch thick, multicolored stack of phone message slips as evidence of his work. But the stack doesn't reflect all his work since 1999, he said, because he usually tosses a slip when the issue has been dead for six months or so.
Murphy admits the system for tracking Smith's time is flawed.
"I have no idea how to verify his hours," she said. "But how do you know when anyone is really working when they have a desk job?"
But she defends Smith, saying she hears him receive calls when he volunteers with her at DuPage County GOP headquarters.
"I hear him get calls all the time," she said. "I know he works."
Necessary job?
Addison, Wayne, York and Winfield townships all report they rely on county employees to solve the same problems Smith handles for Milton Township.
The county has six inspectors in its zoning and drainage departments. Plus, the sheriff's office has enforcement deputies with power to write tickets for things such as abandoned vehicles.
Residents in Milton Township pay an extra tax to help cover salaries for the deputies, but they remain under the jurisdiction of the sheriff's office.
Murphy said that's where the cost savings come in.
"Ron's job cuts down on taking time away from our people who really need to be out on the roads," she said. "Do you want your patrolmen to take time knocking on people's doors to tell them when water is backing up out of the big pipes on the sides of the roads? I would rather see them spending their time on patrol."
Milton workers referred all questions about the sheriff's deputies to Township Supervisor Chris Heidorn, who defends Smith's job as a "citizen-friendly" method of enforcing township-specific codes.
Heidorn said having the sheriff's officers do Smith's job would be a waste of their enforcement duties, and county inspectors lack the knowledge of township codes to do the job.
As far as the quality of Smith's work, "if there were ever any question about Mr. Smith's performance, I'm certain the highway commissioner would have advised the board of his dissatisfaction," said Heidorn in an e-mailed statement. "Instead, we have received only the highest recommendations of Mr. Smith."
Mike Dutton, the current highway commissioner, submitted a letter in support of Smith, but declined to talk about Smith's township job.
"I'm going to be out of there in four months," Dutton said in January. "I don't want to get involved."
Township Trustee Ken McNatt defends Smith as someone who "does a pretty good job."
Sheriff's deputies didn't do as good a job enforcing the codes Smith deals with when it was their responsibility, McNatt said, adding it shouldn't matter how other townships handle such work.
"Why do we have to care what the other townships do?" he said.
Trustee James Flickinger echoed McNatt and Murphy's sentiments.
Despite Smith's supporters, Sender's objections remain. He still questions the amount of work Smith does and the scant proof of the hours he keeps.
In hindsight, Sender said he regrets not making a close examination of the 2 1/2-inch thick stack of phone messages to make sure they were genuine.
Sender, who has voted against Smith each year, believes his stance against Smith and support of Gumm resulted in Sender also not being slated for re-election by the GOP. But he doesn't regret either position.
"I voted against Ron Smith every time," Sender said. "He's a troublemaker."
The future
While Smith successfully won enough votes from the Milton Township board in December to keep his job for another year, he has promised to resign in April when a new highway township commissioner is appointed, he says, so he or she can put a new team in place.
The man who's all but certain to become Smith's new boss is fellow Milton Township Republican Precinct Committeeman Gary Muehlfelt, the party's nominee for highway commissioner.
Muehlfelt declined comment for this report while he grieves a recent death in the family.
Flickinger, Murphy and McNatt all backed Smith for reemployment in December.
"He just really wants to do a good job," Murphy said. "He's a hard worker, and he's honest. To me, his job is the kind of thing that saves the taxpayers money."
Monday
Watchdog: Firefighters make more than chief via overtime
Does overtime work pay too well? Some Wheaton firefighters even wind up taking home money more than chief does
February 04 2006
James Fuller Daily Herald Staff Writer
Wheaton firefighters are racking up so much overtime pay that a few of them earned more than the fire chief last year.
City records show that, for about half of the department's firefighters, overtime pay accounted for 20 percent to 40 percent of their entire yearly earnings.
Wheaton's city manager said it can actually cost local taxpayers more for Wheaton to hire additional firefighters than to pay the hefty overtime bill.
But city officials are investigating whether the overtime is leading to even longer work shifts for firefighters, and whether that could compromise their safety and effectiveness on the job.
Numbers show Wheaton taxpayers paid more last year for firefighters' overtime than for police overtime, even though the fire department is less than one-fourth the size of the police force.
In fact, seven fire department employees, most lieutenants, worked so much overtime in 2005 they brought home bigger paychecks than their boss, Wheaton Fire Chief Greg Berk.
How does an $80,000 salary turn into a $130,000 pay check? By the city trying to save some money.
It's actually cheaper for the city to allow fire staff to log a grand total of $669,000 in overtime than to hire more firefighters, City Manager Don Rose said.
The reason is firefighters and police personnel, by contract, move up the pay scale relatively quickly. Plus, the benefits both police and fire personnel receive cost the city a pretty penny.
Factoring in health, life and unemployment insurance; social security; pensions; uniforms; cleaning costs; training; workman's compensation and other benefits, and the total costs to the city of a first-year police officer is $95,000, Rose said.
Add in the cost of a new squad car and vehicle depreciation and it comes closer to $170,000. A first-year firefighter costs about $100,000.
Rose said the city learned its lesson about hiring more personnel to try and cut overtime costs a few years back.
In 2000, the fire department had 18 firefighters and overtime costs of $527,000. Three firefighters were hired the following year to try and cut that cost by an estimated $256,000.
"We didn't come anywhere close to meeting that mark," Rose said. "You hire new guys, all of sudden they've been here four or five years. They're getting three weeks vacation, training, they're gone for other reasons."
The city actually only saved $134,000 the first year the three firefighters were hired. By 2004, the fire department's overtime costs were back up to $534,000 - even more than it was before they hired the new staffers just three years before.
"Just hiring people doesn't necessarily reduce your overtime in that department because of the work schedules, time off and benefits they get in those positions," Rose said.
The work schedule of a firefighter - typically 24 hours on duty followed by 48 hours off -already results in them working more than the typical office worker in a calendar year.
Rank-and-file firefighters declined comment for this report and Berk, the chief, was out of town at a conference on Friday. But Rose said the fire staff doesn't mind the overtime.
In fact, there's a pecking order that essentially gives the most senior fire staffers the first shot at overtime. Overtime pay factors into pension benefits because the calculation uses highest total earnings in recent months. So working overtime pays a long-term benefit to Wheaton firefighters thinking about retiring soon.
So the question for the city in recent years has become, at what point does overtime translate into burnout?
Rose said the city developed an internal committee to investigate how many firefighters are needed to keep the city safe at any given time.
The committee also plans to look at how much overtime firefighters can work before they become a danger to themselves or others.
And to address possible staffing concerns, the coming budget likely will include additional ambulance services and probably some restructuring in the fire department's administration, he said.
Berk has asked for up to 12 more firefighters, depending on how the restructuring is done. Rose said 12 is a "truly unrealistic" number given the costs. Four new firefighters would be the minimum in Berk's request.
"It's up to the city council to set the priorities," Rose said. "If you want more people, you have to figure out how you're going to go about it."
GRAPHIC: Overtime costs add up at fire department
Several Wheaton Fire Department employees earned through 2005 overtime pay enough to surpass the salary of the fire chief.*
Top fire department earners:
1. Fire Lieutenant A: $130,924 (includes $50,526 in overtime)
2. Fire Lieutenant B: $129,691 ($50,619 in overtime)
3. Fire Lieutenant C: $126,861 ($47,789 in overtime)
4. Fire Lieutenant D: $126,783 ($48,083 in overtime)
5. Fire Lieutenant E: $124,673 ($46,641 in overtime)
6. Fire Lieutenant F: $124,186 ($45,114 in overtime)
7. Firefighter A: $97,557 ($30,908 in overtime)
8. Fire Chief Greg Berk: $95,615 (no overtime)
Source: City of Wheaton, which did not provide names of earners cited above, except for the fire chief.
*Overtime includes standard overtime wages plus "firefighter replacement pay." By the city's definition, such pay is given for overtime earned when a firefighter substitutes for a co-worker who is absent because of sick time, vacation time or other reasons.
GRAPHIC: Understaffed?
A look at staffing levels for the Wheaton police and fire departments.
Employees
- Police: 151 paid positions
- Fire: 37 paid positions
Overtime eligibility
- Police: 89 employees received overtime
- Fire: 33 employees received overtime
Non-overtime salary costs
- Police: $6,119,410
- Fire: $2,477,076
Total: $8,596,486
Overtime salary costs
- Police: $602,420
- Fire: $668,707
Total: $1.27 million
Total salary cost, including base pay and overtime
- $9.86 million
Source: City of Wheaton, based on 2005 earnings.
February 04 2006
James Fuller Daily Herald Staff Writer
Wheaton firefighters are racking up so much overtime pay that a few of them earned more than the fire chief last year.
City records show that, for about half of the department's firefighters, overtime pay accounted for 20 percent to 40 percent of their entire yearly earnings.
Wheaton's city manager said it can actually cost local taxpayers more for Wheaton to hire additional firefighters than to pay the hefty overtime bill.
But city officials are investigating whether the overtime is leading to even longer work shifts for firefighters, and whether that could compromise their safety and effectiveness on the job.
Numbers show Wheaton taxpayers paid more last year for firefighters' overtime than for police overtime, even though the fire department is less than one-fourth the size of the police force.
In fact, seven fire department employees, most lieutenants, worked so much overtime in 2005 they brought home bigger paychecks than their boss, Wheaton Fire Chief Greg Berk.
How does an $80,000 salary turn into a $130,000 pay check? By the city trying to save some money.
It's actually cheaper for the city to allow fire staff to log a grand total of $669,000 in overtime than to hire more firefighters, City Manager Don Rose said.
The reason is firefighters and police personnel, by contract, move up the pay scale relatively quickly. Plus, the benefits both police and fire personnel receive cost the city a pretty penny.
Factoring in health, life and unemployment insurance; social security; pensions; uniforms; cleaning costs; training; workman's compensation and other benefits, and the total costs to the city of a first-year police officer is $95,000, Rose said.
Add in the cost of a new squad car and vehicle depreciation and it comes closer to $170,000. A first-year firefighter costs about $100,000.
Rose said the city learned its lesson about hiring more personnel to try and cut overtime costs a few years back.
In 2000, the fire department had 18 firefighters and overtime costs of $527,000. Three firefighters were hired the following year to try and cut that cost by an estimated $256,000.
"We didn't come anywhere close to meeting that mark," Rose said. "You hire new guys, all of sudden they've been here four or five years. They're getting three weeks vacation, training, they're gone for other reasons."
The city actually only saved $134,000 the first year the three firefighters were hired. By 2004, the fire department's overtime costs were back up to $534,000 - even more than it was before they hired the new staffers just three years before.
"Just hiring people doesn't necessarily reduce your overtime in that department because of the work schedules, time off and benefits they get in those positions," Rose said.
The work schedule of a firefighter - typically 24 hours on duty followed by 48 hours off -already results in them working more than the typical office worker in a calendar year.
Rank-and-file firefighters declined comment for this report and Berk, the chief, was out of town at a conference on Friday. But Rose said the fire staff doesn't mind the overtime.
In fact, there's a pecking order that essentially gives the most senior fire staffers the first shot at overtime. Overtime pay factors into pension benefits because the calculation uses highest total earnings in recent months. So working overtime pays a long-term benefit to Wheaton firefighters thinking about retiring soon.
So the question for the city in recent years has become, at what point does overtime translate into burnout?
Rose said the city developed an internal committee to investigate how many firefighters are needed to keep the city safe at any given time.
The committee also plans to look at how much overtime firefighters can work before they become a danger to themselves or others.
And to address possible staffing concerns, the coming budget likely will include additional ambulance services and probably some restructuring in the fire department's administration, he said.
Berk has asked for up to 12 more firefighters, depending on how the restructuring is done. Rose said 12 is a "truly unrealistic" number given the costs. Four new firefighters would be the minimum in Berk's request.
"It's up to the city council to set the priorities," Rose said. "If you want more people, you have to figure out how you're going to go about it."
GRAPHIC: Overtime costs add up at fire department
Several Wheaton Fire Department employees earned through 2005 overtime pay enough to surpass the salary of the fire chief.*
Top fire department earners:
1. Fire Lieutenant A: $130,924 (includes $50,526 in overtime)
2. Fire Lieutenant B: $129,691 ($50,619 in overtime)
3. Fire Lieutenant C: $126,861 ($47,789 in overtime)
4. Fire Lieutenant D: $126,783 ($48,083 in overtime)
5. Fire Lieutenant E: $124,673 ($46,641 in overtime)
6. Fire Lieutenant F: $124,186 ($45,114 in overtime)
7. Firefighter A: $97,557 ($30,908 in overtime)
8. Fire Chief Greg Berk: $95,615 (no overtime)
Source: City of Wheaton, which did not provide names of earners cited above, except for the fire chief.
*Overtime includes standard overtime wages plus "firefighter replacement pay." By the city's definition, such pay is given for overtime earned when a firefighter substitutes for a co-worker who is absent because of sick time, vacation time or other reasons.
GRAPHIC: Understaffed?
A look at staffing levels for the Wheaton police and fire departments.
Employees
- Police: 151 paid positions
- Fire: 37 paid positions
Overtime eligibility
- Police: 89 employees received overtime
- Fire: 33 employees received overtime
Non-overtime salary costs
- Police: $6,119,410
- Fire: $2,477,076
Total: $8,596,486
Overtime salary costs
- Police: $602,420
- Fire: $668,707
Total: $1.27 million
Total salary cost, including base pay and overtime
- $9.86 million
Source: City of Wheaton, based on 2005 earnings.
Watchdog: Park District director's home more expensive than reported
Director’s home really cost $183,000 to fix
August 18, 2006
By: James Fuller
Daily Herald Staff Writer
Wheaton Park District officials say they never tried to intentionally mislead the public. They just didn’t do their homework.
Last week, the Daily Herald reported the district spent $80,000 to remodel the home it owns at Arrowhead Golf Course for its executive director, Rob Robinson, to live in.
Faced with evidence suggesting that figure was far below the actual cost, parks officials have now acknowledged the remodeling price tag so far is $183,000. The board shared the higher number at a meeting Wednesday night after seeing a document obtained by the Daily Herald showing the true costs.
District spokeswoman Mary Perotti supplied the original $80,000 figure in response to an inquiry about the remodeling costs. That figure was supported by Robinson and clarified by board President Paul Fullerton, who said $80,000 was the amount in this fiscal year’s budget for the project.
At the time, Perotti said that quantifying what was spent before this fiscal year was nearly impossible because the district had switched to new accounting methods.
But the day after the $80,000 price tag was reported, the Daily Herald obtained a spreadsheet that contained dated, line-item expenses for work on the director’s house, complete with the account numbers for the payments.
Perotti confirmed Thursday the spreadsheet is nearly identical to a report generated by the district staff for commissioners the day the Daily Herald’s original report was published.
The spreadsheet was generated at the request of commissioners, Perotti said in explaining she only learned after the spreadsheet came to her attention that the $80,000 wasn’t the full cost.
Fullerton said there was no intent to mislead the public.
“It would be insane for us to think we’re going to tell you it’s $80,000 when it’s $180,000 because, eventually, you’re going to find it out, anyway,” he said. “What happened is nobody went and looked at the numbers. Nobody was actually looking at a spreadsheet and adding all the numbers together.”
Fullerton said he knew the actual costs were higher than $80,000, but he, like Perotti and Robinson, had not personally gone back to add up the costs.
“I didn’t know it was twice as much, but the numbers are what they are,” Fullerton said. “If people think we spent too much, then people should come to the meetings and tell us we’re not being frugal.”
Commissioners explained the remodeling costs at the Wednesday meeting. They said they felt obligated to renovate the house fully to keep a promise to Robinson before he became the new director last November.
Commissioners pitched the job with a four-bedroom, rent- and mortgage-free house as an optional part of the compensation package. The prior director, Bob Dunsmuir, lived in the house for years until his retirement in late 2005.
“We led (Robinson) to believe it was in move-in condition, and it clearly was not,” Fullerton said at the meeting.
Robinson’s contract requires him to live in the district. Leaving his former job in Colorado meant taking a pay cut from nearly $200,000 to his current pay of $132,000.
“If the housing isn’t part of the park job, I needed to know because I wouldn’t have considered the position,” he said.
The park district would have increased Robinson’s salary if he had not opted for the free housing, as to allow him to live in Wheaton.
After the offer, commissioners learned the house had “astronomical” damage, including a leaky roof, rodents, a hornets nest in the ceiling, mold and other structural maladies. Thus, the repairs were necessary, commissioners said.
And, they’re nearly complete. What remains is some landscaping and the construction of a new two-car garage.
Regardless of the promise to Robinson, the park board had already decided to keep the house and possibly use it for public meetings or retreats.
August 18, 2006
By: James Fuller
Daily Herald Staff Writer
Wheaton Park District officials say they never tried to intentionally mislead the public. They just didn’t do their homework.
Last week, the Daily Herald reported the district spent $80,000 to remodel the home it owns at Arrowhead Golf Course for its executive director, Rob Robinson, to live in.
Faced with evidence suggesting that figure was far below the actual cost, parks officials have now acknowledged the remodeling price tag so far is $183,000. The board shared the higher number at a meeting Wednesday night after seeing a document obtained by the Daily Herald showing the true costs.
District spokeswoman Mary Perotti supplied the original $80,000 figure in response to an inquiry about the remodeling costs. That figure was supported by Robinson and clarified by board President Paul Fullerton, who said $80,000 was the amount in this fiscal year’s budget for the project.
At the time, Perotti said that quantifying what was spent before this fiscal year was nearly impossible because the district had switched to new accounting methods.
But the day after the $80,000 price tag was reported, the Daily Herald obtained a spreadsheet that contained dated, line-item expenses for work on the director’s house, complete with the account numbers for the payments.
Perotti confirmed Thursday the spreadsheet is nearly identical to a report generated by the district staff for commissioners the day the Daily Herald’s original report was published.
The spreadsheet was generated at the request of commissioners, Perotti said in explaining she only learned after the spreadsheet came to her attention that the $80,000 wasn’t the full cost.
Fullerton said there was no intent to mislead the public.
“It would be insane for us to think we’re going to tell you it’s $80,000 when it’s $180,000 because, eventually, you’re going to find it out, anyway,” he said. “What happened is nobody went and looked at the numbers. Nobody was actually looking at a spreadsheet and adding all the numbers together.”
Fullerton said he knew the actual costs were higher than $80,000, but he, like Perotti and Robinson, had not personally gone back to add up the costs.
“I didn’t know it was twice as much, but the numbers are what they are,” Fullerton said. “If people think we spent too much, then people should come to the meetings and tell us we’re not being frugal.”
Commissioners explained the remodeling costs at the Wednesday meeting. They said they felt obligated to renovate the house fully to keep a promise to Robinson before he became the new director last November.
Commissioners pitched the job with a four-bedroom, rent- and mortgage-free house as an optional part of the compensation package. The prior director, Bob Dunsmuir, lived in the house for years until his retirement in late 2005.
“We led (Robinson) to believe it was in move-in condition, and it clearly was not,” Fullerton said at the meeting.
Robinson’s contract requires him to live in the district. Leaving his former job in Colorado meant taking a pay cut from nearly $200,000 to his current pay of $132,000.
“If the housing isn’t part of the park job, I needed to know because I wouldn’t have considered the position,” he said.
The park district would have increased Robinson’s salary if he had not opted for the free housing, as to allow him to live in Wheaton.
After the offer, commissioners learned the house had “astronomical” damage, including a leaky roof, rodents, a hornets nest in the ceiling, mold and other structural maladies. Thus, the repairs were necessary, commissioners said.
And, they’re nearly complete. What remains is some landscaping and the construction of a new two-car garage.
Regardless of the promise to Robinson, the park board had already decided to keep the house and possibly use it for public meetings or retreats.
More than a stuffed suit Being Santa takes patience, cheer and love in your heart
December 22 2003
James Fuller Daily Herald Staff Writer
Anyone smelling like Jack Daniel's and Marlboros need not apply for the role of Santa Claus. That's not what fuels the man in red.
Santa doesn't have black-rimmed glasses and dark eyebrows. Nylon is for pantyhose and basketball nets, not beards. Wrapping black trash bags around your sneakers instead of using actual boots? Get real.
Being Christmas' master of ceremonies ain't easy. You have to curb your ego. You have to look the part. And what do you do when kids really do say the darndest things?
Santa pros say there's no room for hacks in the ho-ho-ho business.
"Most mall Santas don't have a clue about what's going on except snap, smile, snap, smile," said Phil Wenz, aka "Mr. Santa." "Anybody can do that. Why would Santa ask what your name is when he's been to your house for years? You have to get who this guy really is."
Wenz is a professional Santa Claus. It's his sole source of income year-round. He's learned enough in his 36 years of playing the part to separate the folly from the jolly.
These days Wenz spends much of his time working from his home in downstate Cissna Park as president of the Chicago Area Santas. The Santa-for-hire group works at many area malls and corporate parties. He and other professional Santas draw a clear line between quality Santas and guys just collecting a paycheck.
But there are some rifts among the pros about what constitutes quality. For instance, some say only Santas with real beards give an accurate portrayal.
"Dude, the beard is just like the belt and the boots," Wenz said. "Santa doesn't come from the outfit. There is only one Santa Claus. Who's ever in the costume at the time is the real deal. Santa comes from the heart."
Would-be Santas are quickly tested at malls, the North Pole's minor leagues. Failure there means never making it to the big time of private parties, nursing homes, children's hospitals and parades.
Chuck Geigner, a Lombard native, is an anomaly. His first Santa role is on the stage, starring in the Holiday Spectacular in downstate Bloomington. The part has the stress level of trading stocks on Wall Street. Flop and you break the hearts of hundreds of children.
The responsibility has taken its toll.
On Halloween, Geigner weighed 220 pounds. Now he's down to 211, the opposite direction for someone portraying the king of cookies and milk.
The responsibility hit him the first time he put on the suit. It was a publicity photo shoot for the Holiday Spectacular. After four days of taking Santa classes, Geigner put the costume on and stepped outside.
"All of a sudden there were horns honking and kids screaming, 'There's Santa!' " Geigner said. "When you put the suit on, you're Santa Claus. What does that mean? Well, it means a lot. I mean, tell me something bad about Santa. He's all that's good. Santa is the last best hope."
That means staying in character from the minute he shows up for rehearsal. After all, there are children co-starring with him in the Holiday Spectacular who really believe he is Santa.
"You have to go the whole nine yards," Geigner said. "You can't sneak into the corner and have a cigarette. You can't argue with your wife. It's an emotional high, but I come home completely wiped out."
The ability to make people smile just with your presence is hard to walk away from. St. Charles' most famous Santa, John Forni, has played Santa for 59 years straight.
The community has come to love him so much that it wouldn't let him retire a few years ago when his Santa suit was worn out. The community got together, bought him a new one and begged him to keep going.
Forni said next year will be his last year. He'll hang up his stocking for the last time at the age of 80.
Along with all the love and emotional highs come some tense moments. Just about every Santa has tales of woe when it comes to the things people want for Christmas.
Children trust Santa. So it's not unheard of for a little boy to ask Santa to make daddy stop hitting him, or talk mommy and daddy out of a divorce.
One year, Wenz put on his Santa suit and persona for an appearance at Children's Memorial Hospital. For the terminally ill, Santa's smile is one of their few joys. Maintaining a smile in the face of death is not something for the unprepared.
During his visit, a little girl, weak and dying of cancer, crawled up into Wenz's lap.
"Her only wish was that she didn't want to go into 'the box,' " Wenz said. "It dawned on me that she was talking about a casket. So I asked her what her idea of heaven was like. She told me, and I just said, 'Yes, sweetheart. That's exactly right.' "
Sometimes even the lighthearted requests are difficult.
Martin Chasen has photographed Santas at malls and parties for more than 20 years for SMC Photo Promotions in Deerfield. Every year, he puts on the suit at least once to stay in touch with what Santas deal with.
One year, that meant becoming Santa at a home for mentally disabled adults.
"This one woman sat on my lap, and we talked a little bit," Chasen said. "I eventually asked her, 'What would you like Santa to bring you this year?'
"She said, 'I want Santa to bring me a new man because Suzy stole my boyfriend.'
"Well, that's beyond the power of Santa."
So Chasen had to play the role of Dear Abby. He talked to her about the things she liked about her ex-boyfriend. Then he likened those to qualities in some of the other men at the home. The possibility of a new and better romance clicked.
"All of a sudden you could see it enlighten her," Chasen said.
Santas who can turn a bad situation like that around are a rarity. As such, they are in high demand and make good money.
Private gigs are where the cash is. Santas working a corporate party can get paid more than $50 an hour.
That's made for a pretty decent living for Wenz, who is in costume about 200 days a year.
His in-depth portrayal has put him in high-enough demand that he needs no other job. He lives off his Santa salary, using whatever he can to improve his suit and portrayal.
Wenz's Santa outfits are custom-made, costing $2,500 each. He uses real boots, a pricey yak hair beard and eyebrows and a $600 belt made with real gold and silver inlay over titanium.
But the glitz of the suit is not nearly as important as the quality of impromptu acting and the visit with the individual person, he said.
"Anybody can dress up like a clown, but not anybody can be Bozo," Wenz said. "You have to understand what makes this guy tick. You can only play Santa if you have the love in your heart."
James Fuller Daily Herald Staff Writer
Anyone smelling like Jack Daniel's and Marlboros need not apply for the role of Santa Claus. That's not what fuels the man in red.
Santa doesn't have black-rimmed glasses and dark eyebrows. Nylon is for pantyhose and basketball nets, not beards. Wrapping black trash bags around your sneakers instead of using actual boots? Get real.
Being Christmas' master of ceremonies ain't easy. You have to curb your ego. You have to look the part. And what do you do when kids really do say the darndest things?
Santa pros say there's no room for hacks in the ho-ho-ho business.
"Most mall Santas don't have a clue about what's going on except snap, smile, snap, smile," said Phil Wenz, aka "Mr. Santa." "Anybody can do that. Why would Santa ask what your name is when he's been to your house for years? You have to get who this guy really is."
Wenz is a professional Santa Claus. It's his sole source of income year-round. He's learned enough in his 36 years of playing the part to separate the folly from the jolly.
These days Wenz spends much of his time working from his home in downstate Cissna Park as president of the Chicago Area Santas. The Santa-for-hire group works at many area malls and corporate parties. He and other professional Santas draw a clear line between quality Santas and guys just collecting a paycheck.
But there are some rifts among the pros about what constitutes quality. For instance, some say only Santas with real beards give an accurate portrayal.
"Dude, the beard is just like the belt and the boots," Wenz said. "Santa doesn't come from the outfit. There is only one Santa Claus. Who's ever in the costume at the time is the real deal. Santa comes from the heart."
Would-be Santas are quickly tested at malls, the North Pole's minor leagues. Failure there means never making it to the big time of private parties, nursing homes, children's hospitals and parades.
Chuck Geigner, a Lombard native, is an anomaly. His first Santa role is on the stage, starring in the Holiday Spectacular in downstate Bloomington. The part has the stress level of trading stocks on Wall Street. Flop and you break the hearts of hundreds of children.
The responsibility has taken its toll.
On Halloween, Geigner weighed 220 pounds. Now he's down to 211, the opposite direction for someone portraying the king of cookies and milk.
The responsibility hit him the first time he put on the suit. It was a publicity photo shoot for the Holiday Spectacular. After four days of taking Santa classes, Geigner put the costume on and stepped outside.
"All of a sudden there were horns honking and kids screaming, 'There's Santa!' " Geigner said. "When you put the suit on, you're Santa Claus. What does that mean? Well, it means a lot. I mean, tell me something bad about Santa. He's all that's good. Santa is the last best hope."
That means staying in character from the minute he shows up for rehearsal. After all, there are children co-starring with him in the Holiday Spectacular who really believe he is Santa.
"You have to go the whole nine yards," Geigner said. "You can't sneak into the corner and have a cigarette. You can't argue with your wife. It's an emotional high, but I come home completely wiped out."
The ability to make people smile just with your presence is hard to walk away from. St. Charles' most famous Santa, John Forni, has played Santa for 59 years straight.
The community has come to love him so much that it wouldn't let him retire a few years ago when his Santa suit was worn out. The community got together, bought him a new one and begged him to keep going.
Forni said next year will be his last year. He'll hang up his stocking for the last time at the age of 80.
Along with all the love and emotional highs come some tense moments. Just about every Santa has tales of woe when it comes to the things people want for Christmas.
Children trust Santa. So it's not unheard of for a little boy to ask Santa to make daddy stop hitting him, or talk mommy and daddy out of a divorce.
One year, Wenz put on his Santa suit and persona for an appearance at Children's Memorial Hospital. For the terminally ill, Santa's smile is one of their few joys. Maintaining a smile in the face of death is not something for the unprepared.
During his visit, a little girl, weak and dying of cancer, crawled up into Wenz's lap.
"Her only wish was that she didn't want to go into 'the box,' " Wenz said. "It dawned on me that she was talking about a casket. So I asked her what her idea of heaven was like. She told me, and I just said, 'Yes, sweetheart. That's exactly right.' "
Sometimes even the lighthearted requests are difficult.
Martin Chasen has photographed Santas at malls and parties for more than 20 years for SMC Photo Promotions in Deerfield. Every year, he puts on the suit at least once to stay in touch with what Santas deal with.
One year, that meant becoming Santa at a home for mentally disabled adults.
"This one woman sat on my lap, and we talked a little bit," Chasen said. "I eventually asked her, 'What would you like Santa to bring you this year?'
"She said, 'I want Santa to bring me a new man because Suzy stole my boyfriend.'
"Well, that's beyond the power of Santa."
So Chasen had to play the role of Dear Abby. He talked to her about the things she liked about her ex-boyfriend. Then he likened those to qualities in some of the other men at the home. The possibility of a new and better romance clicked.
"All of a sudden you could see it enlighten her," Chasen said.
Santas who can turn a bad situation like that around are a rarity. As such, they are in high demand and make good money.
Private gigs are where the cash is. Santas working a corporate party can get paid more than $50 an hour.
That's made for a pretty decent living for Wenz, who is in costume about 200 days a year.
His in-depth portrayal has put him in high-enough demand that he needs no other job. He lives off his Santa salary, using whatever he can to improve his suit and portrayal.
Wenz's Santa outfits are custom-made, costing $2,500 each. He uses real boots, a pricey yak hair beard and eyebrows and a $600 belt made with real gold and silver inlay over titanium.
But the glitz of the suit is not nearly as important as the quality of impromptu acting and the visit with the individual person, he said.
"Anybody can dress up like a clown, but not anybody can be Bozo," Wenz said. "You have to understand what makes this guy tick. You can only play Santa if you have the love in your heart."
Villages' leadership lacking in diversity
February 01 2004
James Fuller Daily Herald Staff Writer
By November 2002, Nick Teramani knew he was going to die.
Before it was too late, Teramani sat down with his friend Luis Mendez and said he wanted him to take his seat on the Prospect Heights City Council.
Mendez carried his friend's dying wish to the polls the following spring as a write-in candidate, and won. Barely.
By five votes, Mendez became a speck of pepper in a jar of salt. He is the only non-white city council member in the 19 suburbs that make up Northwest suburban Cook County.
The reasons are varied. Researchers and city officials say many minorities in the suburbs are struggling first-generation immigrants who don't have the time or money to get involved.
Others come here with an ingrained mistrust of government. Still others are frustrated by electoral systems that make it harder to elect minorities.
Yet advocates and community leaders who believe it's vital to get minority representation in municipal government are finding ways around the roadblocks - by creating a training ground on zoning boards, plan commissions and committees.
The issue is growing in proportion. Nearly 400,000 new immigrants came to the Chicago suburbs in the last decade, according to a Roosevelt University study. In Northwest suburban Cook County, that's resulted in twice as many Hispanics and Asians as there were in 1994, who now make up 20 percent of the population here.
Blacks haven't moved to the Northwest suburbs in large numbers. They represent 2 percent of the community.
"It's very awkward for us and these other government units to have the situation we have now where we don't have minority representation," said Hoffman Estates Mayor William McLeod, whose village is about 23 percent minority, Asian-American and Hispanic. "When you look at village boards, it's still 1975 in the Northwest suburbs."
But you can't elect minorities if they're not running for office.
Only two people of color ran for village boards or city councils in Northwest suburban elections in 2001 and 2003.
A cultural divide
Glenn Adams thought he'd made a breakthrough when several Hispanic residents who lived along Algonquin Road came to him, complaining about drivers speeding through their apartment complexes.
As the alderman of Rolling Meadows' heavily Hispanic 5th Ward, Adams explained they needed to come to a city council meeting and voice their concerns.
But this was also Adams' chance, he thought, to develop a conduit to the Hispanic community.
So he asked several residents from the apartments to meet with him to discuss problems in the area. They agreed. Adams hosted the meeting. No one came.
Adams shouldn't take it personally, says Victor Hernandez, president of the Association of Hispanic Municipal Officials. Lack of Hispanic involvement in government is deeply rooted, he said, not just here but in their native countries.
Most people with the time and resources to run for office are older, have college degrees and small families, which doesn't fit most first-generation immigrants, Hernandez said.
"The Hispanic constituencies are dealing with lower needs like paying the bills, making sure there's food on the table and keeping the lights on," Hernandez said.
Many also possess a general fear of government, he added. Many Hispanics have had bad experiences with police or government officials - both here and in their country of origin. Government becomes a necessary evil rather than something in which to participate.
That leads to few Hispanic role models in leadership roles.
Hanover Park Mayor Irv Bock, whose community is about 27 percent Hispanic, said he tries to persuade those he meets to get involved.
"I hear a lot of 'I don't have time. I have to work,'" Bock said. "No matter how much I say to somebody that (our government) is good ... they don't understand the concept of being active in the community."
Aside from economic and cultural issues, there are other barriers, said James Svara, a professor at North Carolina State University. Svara recently completed research on the diversity of America's city councils for the National League of Cities.
He found the percentage of minorities serving on city councils in America almost doubled from 1979 to 2001, from 7 percent to 13 percent. That lags well behind the minority growth rate.
Svara blames the gap partly on the suburban penchant for electing representatives "at-large," instead of the ward system used in large cities.
"To get your own members elected, you have to have allies," Svara said. "With at-large elections, the same majority can elect everybody."
In Rosemont, for example, one in three residents is Hispanic, yet the village board consists of seven Caucasians, all of whom live on the south side of town within about 200 feet of each other.
Village spokesman Gary Mack said Rosemont's leaders would be "delighted" to have direct representation from the Latino leaders of the community. But no one has stepped forward.
Instead, the village appointed Miguel Santiago, a former Chicago alderman, to be a liaison to its Hispanic community. Santiago said he maintains almost daily office hours at Rosemont village hall.
"Mayor (Don) Stephens wanted Hispanics to have a voice in city government," Santiago said. "It's very smart politics. The politicians who don't do it ultimately pay the price. I'm a Hispanic. I've suffered through, probably, the same things they've suffered."
But Hispanic residents won't see Santiago on the Rosemont village board anytime soon. Santiago can't run for office because he doesn't live in Rosemont.
Even where wards or districts are in use, such as in Des Plaines, Rolling Meadows, Prospect Heights and Palatine, the results are not all that different.
One in five people in Rolling Meadows is Hispanic and after the 2000 census, the city redrew the ward map, expanding the largely Hispanic 5th Ward by 4,000 people. Still, in 2003, Adams was the only candidate running.
Similarly, Des Plaines has no minorities on its city council despite a Hispanic population that now stands at 14 percent.
A few years ago, Palatine annexed land along Dundee and Rand roads heavily populated by minorities. The new territory was divided among three wards stretching almost the length of the whole village.
The northeast side of Palatine is represented by three Caucasians.
Planting the seeds
Some Northwest suburbs are slowly finding ways around the barriers.
Minority advocates are pinning their hopes on the children of immigrants, hoping they will cast aside their parents' fears as they learn civics and politics in school.
But that's the dream for the future. Local leaders say a more immediate solution is to bring minority residents into the system at the lower levels, by appointing them to boards, commissions and committees.
These are the breeding grounds for elected office, agrees McLeod, who said he finds good candidates, for instance, in the people who organize local block parties. School boards and township positions are much more sought after by minorities, attracting nearly 20 candidates in the past few years.
Miguel Fuentez is one such person. He sees his current seat on the Hanover Park Park District board as a launching pad to the village board.
In 2003, Fuentez ran for the park board, campaigning on the idea that the park district should appeal more to Hanover Park's Hispanic community. Fuentez lost the election, but when a seat on the park board opened up, he was appointed.
He believes Hanover Park needs his contribution. The village is 27 percent Hispanic; the village board is 100 percent white.
"The village is missing out," Fuentez said. "They're not hearing a whole side of town. With me, those people can talk to someone who understands them. "We've got to start somewhere. By keeping your opinions to yourself, nothing will change."
Mohinderjit Singh Saini isn't quite as ready to make the leap from Palatine's zoning board of appeals to the village board. Saini won his appointment after networking with village officials during planning for Palatine's 125th anniversary. He made enough of an impression to get on the zoning board when a spot opened.
"It's part of our civic duty to be involved in the community," Saini said. "Especially for us, the Indian community, it becomes more important to be visible because we do not have much representation."
Saini said he's lining up other Indian residents to volunteer when other government opportunities become available.
Professor Svara applauds the effort. City officials can't just wait for minorities to get voted into office, he said. They must provide opportunity. That includes advisory committees, direct outreach efforts and focus groups.
"The city staff needs to make their own effort to decide whether or not they're providing adequate opportunities for involvement," Svara said. "If nobody's showing up, then it's not working. You need to identify the leaders."
That's what Nick Teramani did in making Luis Mendez his heir apparent.
Mendez represents the city's mostly Hispanic 1st Ward. The ward system worked in his case. Prospect Heights, as a whole, is about 28 percent Hispanic.
Driven by a friend's dying wish, Mendez forced himself past the cultural barrier and the fear. Teramani, he says with feeling, was "a good man."
Now, Mendez is helping shape the future of an entire city.
"It's time-consuming, without much pay, but I don't mind at all," Mendez said. "I'm glad I'm here."
James Fuller Daily Herald Staff Writer
By November 2002, Nick Teramani knew he was going to die.
Before it was too late, Teramani sat down with his friend Luis Mendez and said he wanted him to take his seat on the Prospect Heights City Council.
Mendez carried his friend's dying wish to the polls the following spring as a write-in candidate, and won. Barely.
By five votes, Mendez became a speck of pepper in a jar of salt. He is the only non-white city council member in the 19 suburbs that make up Northwest suburban Cook County.
The reasons are varied. Researchers and city officials say many minorities in the suburbs are struggling first-generation immigrants who don't have the time or money to get involved.
Others come here with an ingrained mistrust of government. Still others are frustrated by electoral systems that make it harder to elect minorities.
Yet advocates and community leaders who believe it's vital to get minority representation in municipal government are finding ways around the roadblocks - by creating a training ground on zoning boards, plan commissions and committees.
The issue is growing in proportion. Nearly 400,000 new immigrants came to the Chicago suburbs in the last decade, according to a Roosevelt University study. In Northwest suburban Cook County, that's resulted in twice as many Hispanics and Asians as there were in 1994, who now make up 20 percent of the population here.
Blacks haven't moved to the Northwest suburbs in large numbers. They represent 2 percent of the community.
"It's very awkward for us and these other government units to have the situation we have now where we don't have minority representation," said Hoffman Estates Mayor William McLeod, whose village is about 23 percent minority, Asian-American and Hispanic. "When you look at village boards, it's still 1975 in the Northwest suburbs."
But you can't elect minorities if they're not running for office.
Only two people of color ran for village boards or city councils in Northwest suburban elections in 2001 and 2003.
A cultural divide
Glenn Adams thought he'd made a breakthrough when several Hispanic residents who lived along Algonquin Road came to him, complaining about drivers speeding through their apartment complexes.
As the alderman of Rolling Meadows' heavily Hispanic 5th Ward, Adams explained they needed to come to a city council meeting and voice their concerns.
But this was also Adams' chance, he thought, to develop a conduit to the Hispanic community.
So he asked several residents from the apartments to meet with him to discuss problems in the area. They agreed. Adams hosted the meeting. No one came.
Adams shouldn't take it personally, says Victor Hernandez, president of the Association of Hispanic Municipal Officials. Lack of Hispanic involvement in government is deeply rooted, he said, not just here but in their native countries.
Most people with the time and resources to run for office are older, have college degrees and small families, which doesn't fit most first-generation immigrants, Hernandez said.
"The Hispanic constituencies are dealing with lower needs like paying the bills, making sure there's food on the table and keeping the lights on," Hernandez said.
Many also possess a general fear of government, he added. Many Hispanics have had bad experiences with police or government officials - both here and in their country of origin. Government becomes a necessary evil rather than something in which to participate.
That leads to few Hispanic role models in leadership roles.
Hanover Park Mayor Irv Bock, whose community is about 27 percent Hispanic, said he tries to persuade those he meets to get involved.
"I hear a lot of 'I don't have time. I have to work,'" Bock said. "No matter how much I say to somebody that (our government) is good ... they don't understand the concept of being active in the community."
Aside from economic and cultural issues, there are other barriers, said James Svara, a professor at North Carolina State University. Svara recently completed research on the diversity of America's city councils for the National League of Cities.
He found the percentage of minorities serving on city councils in America almost doubled from 1979 to 2001, from 7 percent to 13 percent. That lags well behind the minority growth rate.
Svara blames the gap partly on the suburban penchant for electing representatives "at-large," instead of the ward system used in large cities.
"To get your own members elected, you have to have allies," Svara said. "With at-large elections, the same majority can elect everybody."
In Rosemont, for example, one in three residents is Hispanic, yet the village board consists of seven Caucasians, all of whom live on the south side of town within about 200 feet of each other.
Village spokesman Gary Mack said Rosemont's leaders would be "delighted" to have direct representation from the Latino leaders of the community. But no one has stepped forward.
Instead, the village appointed Miguel Santiago, a former Chicago alderman, to be a liaison to its Hispanic community. Santiago said he maintains almost daily office hours at Rosemont village hall.
"Mayor (Don) Stephens wanted Hispanics to have a voice in city government," Santiago said. "It's very smart politics. The politicians who don't do it ultimately pay the price. I'm a Hispanic. I've suffered through, probably, the same things they've suffered."
But Hispanic residents won't see Santiago on the Rosemont village board anytime soon. Santiago can't run for office because he doesn't live in Rosemont.
Even where wards or districts are in use, such as in Des Plaines, Rolling Meadows, Prospect Heights and Palatine, the results are not all that different.
One in five people in Rolling Meadows is Hispanic and after the 2000 census, the city redrew the ward map, expanding the largely Hispanic 5th Ward by 4,000 people. Still, in 2003, Adams was the only candidate running.
Similarly, Des Plaines has no minorities on its city council despite a Hispanic population that now stands at 14 percent.
A few years ago, Palatine annexed land along Dundee and Rand roads heavily populated by minorities. The new territory was divided among three wards stretching almost the length of the whole village.
The northeast side of Palatine is represented by three Caucasians.
Planting the seeds
Some Northwest suburbs are slowly finding ways around the barriers.
Minority advocates are pinning their hopes on the children of immigrants, hoping they will cast aside their parents' fears as they learn civics and politics in school.
But that's the dream for the future. Local leaders say a more immediate solution is to bring minority residents into the system at the lower levels, by appointing them to boards, commissions and committees.
These are the breeding grounds for elected office, agrees McLeod, who said he finds good candidates, for instance, in the people who organize local block parties. School boards and township positions are much more sought after by minorities, attracting nearly 20 candidates in the past few years.
Miguel Fuentez is one such person. He sees his current seat on the Hanover Park Park District board as a launching pad to the village board.
In 2003, Fuentez ran for the park board, campaigning on the idea that the park district should appeal more to Hanover Park's Hispanic community. Fuentez lost the election, but when a seat on the park board opened up, he was appointed.
He believes Hanover Park needs his contribution. The village is 27 percent Hispanic; the village board is 100 percent white.
"The village is missing out," Fuentez said. "They're not hearing a whole side of town. With me, those people can talk to someone who understands them. "We've got to start somewhere. By keeping your opinions to yourself, nothing will change."
Mohinderjit Singh Saini isn't quite as ready to make the leap from Palatine's zoning board of appeals to the village board. Saini won his appointment after networking with village officials during planning for Palatine's 125th anniversary. He made enough of an impression to get on the zoning board when a spot opened.
"It's part of our civic duty to be involved in the community," Saini said. "Especially for us, the Indian community, it becomes more important to be visible because we do not have much representation."
Saini said he's lining up other Indian residents to volunteer when other government opportunities become available.
Professor Svara applauds the effort. City officials can't just wait for minorities to get voted into office, he said. They must provide opportunity. That includes advisory committees, direct outreach efforts and focus groups.
"The city staff needs to make their own effort to decide whether or not they're providing adequate opportunities for involvement," Svara said. "If nobody's showing up, then it's not working. You need to identify the leaders."
That's what Nick Teramani did in making Luis Mendez his heir apparent.
Mendez represents the city's mostly Hispanic 1st Ward. The ward system worked in his case. Prospect Heights, as a whole, is about 28 percent Hispanic.
Driven by a friend's dying wish, Mendez forced himself past the cultural barrier and the fear. Teramani, he says with feeling, was "a good man."
Now, Mendez is helping shape the future of an entire city.
"It's time-consuming, without much pay, but I don't mind at all," Mendez said. "I'm glad I'm here."
Tuesday
Ruling might keep state wine sales bottled up
May 25, 2005
By: James Fuller Daily Herald Staff Writer
The fruit of Rudolph Valentino DiTommaso’s labor might never pass the lips of wine lovers as close to home as Indiana.
DiTommaso runs his own wine label, Valentino Vineyards in Long Grove, with grapes first planted 10 years ago.
Countless wine aficionados have never known DiTommaso’s vintage, nor those of more than 50 other small wineries in Illinois. Those wineries can’t ship wine directly to customers in roughly half the nation’s states, where wine import bans shut them out of the market.
Florida’s law would slap DiTommaso with a felony if he mailed a bottle to his father, who lives there.
But Florida and other states must rethink those bans in the wake of a U.S. Supreme Court decision - a 5-4 ruling last week declaring interstate shipping bans unconstitutional in Michigan and New York.
Illinois wineries already have petitioned the federal courts to strike down Indiana’s direct shipping ban.
Their dream is for an open market that intoxicates their bottom lines. But states could just as easily dash those hopes into sour grapes by ending all direct shipping, closing the market even more.
At least one key concern for states is a fear that direct shipping of alcohol is yet another catalyst for underage drinking.
‘Low-level trade war’
States must treat in-state and out-of-state businesses the same, the court ruled.
“The current patchwork of laws - with some states banning direct shipments altogether, others doing so only for out-of-state wines and still others requiring reciprocity - is essentially the product of an ongoing, low-level trade war,” Justice Anthony Kennedy wrote in the prevailing opinion.
Only four states consume more wine than Illinois, according to the Illinois Grape Growers & Vintners Association. For local consumers, the ruling may open up the wine market across the country to a war where only the strongest grapes survive. Better quality wine at lower prices with more labels to choose from could be the outcome.
As many as 50 decisions must happen before that, as states must rewrite laws to reflect the court’s ruling.
Wine is a big-money business. Direct shipments of wine to consumers doubled from 1994 to 1999, according to the Federal Trade Commission. Direct shipping accounts for only 3 percent of all wine sales, but is worth $500 million a year.
The growth is not from the Beringers and Gallos of the world. It’s the little guys. There are more than 3,000 local wineries in the country now, three times the number 30 years ago, according to the National Association of American Wineries.
But wine wholesalers and distributors have consolidated, making it tough for wineries that don’t produce massive quantities of well-known products to make it to store shelves.
Prohibition-era roots
Distributors, who some small vineyards blame for squeezing them out, became part of the mix when Prohibition ended. States still wanted to regulate alcohol, so a three-tier system was born.
It injects a distributor between alcohol producers and retailers. That helped calm the retail pressure of selling as much alcohol as possible to maximize profits.
Local wineries say the system works only for the Robert Mondavis of the world.
For instance, Galena Cellars, which operates a store in Geneva, can’t pay distributors to ship their wine without charging an elite price.
Scott Lawlor, whose family owns Galena Cellars, said distributors and retailers each want such a large chunk of the pie that a $30 price tag would be the only way to turn a profit.
“In other words, I don’t make money in that circle,” he said.
A $30 bottle of wine is too pricey for most consumers, especially the burgeoning twentysomething market, he added.
Movies like the Oscar-winning “Sideways” and local wine shops are defusing the hoity-toity stigma, attracting younger customers, wineries say.
The Glunz Family Winery in Grayslake is benefiting from the youth movement, but not enough for distributors to carry their relatively few bottles of wine, General Manager Suzzie Glunz Holtgrieve said. Direct shipping is the best way to turn a profit for them. The difficulty is achieving visibility without a distributor.
“There must be a happy medium,” she said.
Illinois wineries must wait at least a little longer for that because the initial impact of the court’s ruling will be modest locally, Illinois Solicitor General Gary Feinerman said.
Illinois has agreements with several other states allowing direct shipments of wine to consumers. The state is an open market, even for other states that don’t allow Illinois to ship in.
The Supreme Court revoked the choice to discriminate, but set in motion a host of other choices, said Jeff Modisett, a commercial litigation expert who worked to end the direct-shipping bans.
State legislatures must open the floodgates to direct shipping, or ban it for everyone, Modisett said.
Word is Michigan may be one of the states to kill all direct shipping, Modisett said.
“That to me is like throwing the baby out with the bath water,” he said. “It’s not clear to me what they are trying to protect by doing that.”
The answer is money and underage drinking.
Money and minors
States with bans argue it’s harder to ensure an out-of-state winery pays taxes on the wine it ships in.
The second concern is an outcry from substance abuse groups.
“When there is increased availability, there’s more of a chance youth will get alcohol,” said Sara Moscato, associate director of the Illinois Alcoholism and Drug Dependence Association. “The majority of people with alcohol dependence started before 21. This is definitely not going to help.”
The counter argument says 16-year-olds won’t wait a week for a bottle of wine to come in the mail when they can get their older brother to buy beer at the local 7-Eleven. Just put a label on the package and require an adult’s signature.
That doesn’t always happen, Moscato said. She’s aware of at least two tests where minors obtained alcohol by mail because the package wasn’t labeled or the delivery person didn’t ask for an ID.
“Do we want or expect to have FedEx and UPS start being bouncers and checking IDs when they drop off packages?” Moscato said. “Their job is not to prevent underage drinking.”
The Supreme Court said the evidence doesn’t support Moscato’s concerns. Local wineries don’t buy into the drunken-youths argument either. They fear a negative impact on their livelihoods.
“Huge,” “big” and “incredible” are all words used by local grape gurus to describe what a truly open wine market would mean for them. Word-of-mouth and Internet advertising will trickle into other states potentially causing more sales in new markets.
Potentially.
“I was excited about the ruling for one day, but then I sat back and thought that our state could now pass a law that could really hurt us,” said Galena Cellar’s Lawlor. “The ruling could help us, but it may put us back in the dark ages.”
Indeed, lawmakers say the wine trade across the country, is “up for grabs” now.
The Illinois Senate hosted hearings on the issue, under the leadership of Sen. Ira Silverstein, to forecast the impact of the Supreme Court’s ruling. None of the parties that testified swayed Silverstein into thinking anything was wrong with Illinois’ current setup.
But Silverstein didn’t expect the court to rule anything unconstitutional.
His immediate concern is the potential of a lawsuit claiming Illinois’ special shipping arrangements with several states are unconstitutional.
Local winemakers fear distributors will either try to limit the amount of wine local wineries can ship, or close off all direct shipping in Illinois.
Fred Koehler, who owns Lynfred Winery in Roselle, said a total direct shipping ban or severe limits would be poison in his glass.
“It’d put us out of business,” Koehler said. “That’s how serious it is. Why does the state want to put up more challenges for businesses when we’re an industry that’s trying to grow? But that’s what we have to watch out for because distributors are trying to monopolize the industry.”
It’s a fine line between monopoly and protecting your business. Distributors will continue to fight for the supremacy of face-to-face sales.
DiTommaso makes many face-to-face sales at his winery. He also doesn’t have a problem with shipping wine with a label requiring an adult signature.
Until new laws are written, it’ll be business as usual for DiTommaso. He has his local regular customers. And he’ll still have tourists come in, fall in love with his wine and return home with a few precious bottles because they can’t order any more by mail.
But one day, DiTommaso said he believes that will all change.
“As time goes on, and more wine customers and wineries put the pressure on, more states will open up. This isn’t a done deal yet.”
By: James Fuller Daily Herald Staff Writer
The fruit of Rudolph Valentino DiTommaso’s labor might never pass the lips of wine lovers as close to home as Indiana.
DiTommaso runs his own wine label, Valentino Vineyards in Long Grove, with grapes first planted 10 years ago.
Countless wine aficionados have never known DiTommaso’s vintage, nor those of more than 50 other small wineries in Illinois. Those wineries can’t ship wine directly to customers in roughly half the nation’s states, where wine import bans shut them out of the market.
Florida’s law would slap DiTommaso with a felony if he mailed a bottle to his father, who lives there.
But Florida and other states must rethink those bans in the wake of a U.S. Supreme Court decision - a 5-4 ruling last week declaring interstate shipping bans unconstitutional in Michigan and New York.
Illinois wineries already have petitioned the federal courts to strike down Indiana’s direct shipping ban.
Their dream is for an open market that intoxicates their bottom lines. But states could just as easily dash those hopes into sour grapes by ending all direct shipping, closing the market even more.
At least one key concern for states is a fear that direct shipping of alcohol is yet another catalyst for underage drinking.
‘Low-level trade war’
States must treat in-state and out-of-state businesses the same, the court ruled.
“The current patchwork of laws - with some states banning direct shipments altogether, others doing so only for out-of-state wines and still others requiring reciprocity - is essentially the product of an ongoing, low-level trade war,” Justice Anthony Kennedy wrote in the prevailing opinion.
Only four states consume more wine than Illinois, according to the Illinois Grape Growers & Vintners Association. For local consumers, the ruling may open up the wine market across the country to a war where only the strongest grapes survive. Better quality wine at lower prices with more labels to choose from could be the outcome.
As many as 50 decisions must happen before that, as states must rewrite laws to reflect the court’s ruling.
Wine is a big-money business. Direct shipments of wine to consumers doubled from 1994 to 1999, according to the Federal Trade Commission. Direct shipping accounts for only 3 percent of all wine sales, but is worth $500 million a year.
The growth is not from the Beringers and Gallos of the world. It’s the little guys. There are more than 3,000 local wineries in the country now, three times the number 30 years ago, according to the National Association of American Wineries.
But wine wholesalers and distributors have consolidated, making it tough for wineries that don’t produce massive quantities of well-known products to make it to store shelves.
Prohibition-era roots
Distributors, who some small vineyards blame for squeezing them out, became part of the mix when Prohibition ended. States still wanted to regulate alcohol, so a three-tier system was born.
It injects a distributor between alcohol producers and retailers. That helped calm the retail pressure of selling as much alcohol as possible to maximize profits.
Local wineries say the system works only for the Robert Mondavis of the world.
For instance, Galena Cellars, which operates a store in Geneva, can’t pay distributors to ship their wine without charging an elite price.
Scott Lawlor, whose family owns Galena Cellars, said distributors and retailers each want such a large chunk of the pie that a $30 price tag would be the only way to turn a profit.
“In other words, I don’t make money in that circle,” he said.
A $30 bottle of wine is too pricey for most consumers, especially the burgeoning twentysomething market, he added.
Movies like the Oscar-winning “Sideways” and local wine shops are defusing the hoity-toity stigma, attracting younger customers, wineries say.
The Glunz Family Winery in Grayslake is benefiting from the youth movement, but not enough for distributors to carry their relatively few bottles of wine, General Manager Suzzie Glunz Holtgrieve said. Direct shipping is the best way to turn a profit for them. The difficulty is achieving visibility without a distributor.
“There must be a happy medium,” she said.
Illinois wineries must wait at least a little longer for that because the initial impact of the court’s ruling will be modest locally, Illinois Solicitor General Gary Feinerman said.
Illinois has agreements with several other states allowing direct shipments of wine to consumers. The state is an open market, even for other states that don’t allow Illinois to ship in.
The Supreme Court revoked the choice to discriminate, but set in motion a host of other choices, said Jeff Modisett, a commercial litigation expert who worked to end the direct-shipping bans.
State legislatures must open the floodgates to direct shipping, or ban it for everyone, Modisett said.
Word is Michigan may be one of the states to kill all direct shipping, Modisett said.
“That to me is like throwing the baby out with the bath water,” he said. “It’s not clear to me what they are trying to protect by doing that.”
The answer is money and underage drinking.
Money and minors
States with bans argue it’s harder to ensure an out-of-state winery pays taxes on the wine it ships in.
The second concern is an outcry from substance abuse groups.
“When there is increased availability, there’s more of a chance youth will get alcohol,” said Sara Moscato, associate director of the Illinois Alcoholism and Drug Dependence Association. “The majority of people with alcohol dependence started before 21. This is definitely not going to help.”
The counter argument says 16-year-olds won’t wait a week for a bottle of wine to come in the mail when they can get their older brother to buy beer at the local 7-Eleven. Just put a label on the package and require an adult’s signature.
That doesn’t always happen, Moscato said. She’s aware of at least two tests where minors obtained alcohol by mail because the package wasn’t labeled or the delivery person didn’t ask for an ID.
“Do we want or expect to have FedEx and UPS start being bouncers and checking IDs when they drop off packages?” Moscato said. “Their job is not to prevent underage drinking.”
The Supreme Court said the evidence doesn’t support Moscato’s concerns. Local wineries don’t buy into the drunken-youths argument either. They fear a negative impact on their livelihoods.
“Huge,” “big” and “incredible” are all words used by local grape gurus to describe what a truly open wine market would mean for them. Word-of-mouth and Internet advertising will trickle into other states potentially causing more sales in new markets.
Potentially.
“I was excited about the ruling for one day, but then I sat back and thought that our state could now pass a law that could really hurt us,” said Galena Cellar’s Lawlor. “The ruling could help us, but it may put us back in the dark ages.”
Indeed, lawmakers say the wine trade across the country, is “up for grabs” now.
The Illinois Senate hosted hearings on the issue, under the leadership of Sen. Ira Silverstein, to forecast the impact of the Supreme Court’s ruling. None of the parties that testified swayed Silverstein into thinking anything was wrong with Illinois’ current setup.
But Silverstein didn’t expect the court to rule anything unconstitutional.
His immediate concern is the potential of a lawsuit claiming Illinois’ special shipping arrangements with several states are unconstitutional.
Local winemakers fear distributors will either try to limit the amount of wine local wineries can ship, or close off all direct shipping in Illinois.
Fred Koehler, who owns Lynfred Winery in Roselle, said a total direct shipping ban or severe limits would be poison in his glass.
“It’d put us out of business,” Koehler said. “That’s how serious it is. Why does the state want to put up more challenges for businesses when we’re an industry that’s trying to grow? But that’s what we have to watch out for because distributors are trying to monopolize the industry.”
It’s a fine line between monopoly and protecting your business. Distributors will continue to fight for the supremacy of face-to-face sales.
DiTommaso makes many face-to-face sales at his winery. He also doesn’t have a problem with shipping wine with a label requiring an adult signature.
Until new laws are written, it’ll be business as usual for DiTommaso. He has his local regular customers. And he’ll still have tourists come in, fall in love with his wine and return home with a few precious bottles because they can’t order any more by mail.
But one day, DiTommaso said he believes that will all change.
“As time goes on, and more wine customers and wineries put the pressure on, more states will open up. This isn’t a done deal yet.”
21 It's the law. But is it fair?
July 17, 2005
By: James Fuller Daily Herald Staff Writer
If the National Minimum Drinking Age Act was a person, it would likely be headed out to a local bar tonight to celebrate.
Today is the 21st birthday of the law enacted by President Ronald Reagan that tied the drinking age to federal transportation dollars. States that didn't set their minimum purchase age at 21 lost their federal road money.
The idea was to help put the brakes on drunken driving deaths among 18- to 20-year-olds - those most likely to be in alcohol-related accidents.
Twenty-one years later, government agencies and substance abuse groups say the law has played a key role in saving thousands of lives. But youth rights groups, armed with studies from sympathetic college professors, tell a different tale of self-destruction brought on by a discriminatory law.
Why 21?
As the United States continues to send young people overseas to fight wars, some lawmakers are beginning to show signs of bending to the argument of "old enough to die for the country, old enough to drink."
Wisconsin is considering lowering the drinking age for military personnel. Vermont Gov. James Douglas has voiced support for lowering its drinking age to 18 if it passes the state legislature.
If either change happens, it'll be the first sign America is learning from a longstanding failure, Arlington Heights native Brad White believes.
A senior at the University of Missouri-Columbia, White is a former staff member of the National Youth Rights Association.
"I don't think our kids can learn responsibility by just giving them alcohol and saying 'OK, be responsible' when they hit 21," White said. "You don't hand a kid a car at 16 and tell them to go drive. You have to teach them."
Driving is a key component of the issue, with statistics cited on both sides to show the law has been both a success and a failure.
From 1993 to 2003, nearly 60,000 drivers under 21 in Illinois were arrested for driving with some amount of alcohol in their blood systems, according to the secretary of state's office. Drivers under 21 are still the single largest group involved in alcohol-related deaths.
That only counts the number of people who were caught.
"It does point to a problem with underage drinking," said Brad Fralick, adviser to Illinois Secretary of State Jesse White on DUI issues. "No one is disputing that underage drinking is going on. But no matter which end you're looking at, the law has certainly been a success."
The proof of success is in the 1,000 lives the drinking age has saved every year, said Susan McKinney, executive director of Mothers Against Drunk Driving in Illinois, where the drinking age was made 21 in 1980.
MADD and other like-minded groups also cite numbers that show fewer young people are drinking now than in the mid-1980s. And while drunken driving deaths for the under-21 set still occur, they are happening less frequently than when 18-year-olds could buy alcohol.
Susan Wishnetsky is the secretary of Chicago-based Americans for a Society Free of Age Restrictions and believes those numbers are a product of selective memory.
"They single out particular age groups and particular periods of time that make their case and ignore others," she said. "What they don't mention is that the decrease in drunk driving has covered all age groups and accidents."
Seat belts, air bags, safe-driver courses and alcohol education programs are all factors contributing to lower numbers over the years. So spotlighting the age increase as the sole reason simply isn't fair, she said.
The argument comes down to civil rights versus human health.
The main support for why the drinking age is 21 versus 18 or any other age is medical research. The human brain doesn't stop developing until the early 20s. Drinking regularly before then can kill brain cells that never come back, said Sara Moscato, associate director of the Illinois Alcoholism and Drug Dependence Association.
"It wasn't an arbitrary number by any stretch of the imagination," she said.
Alex Koroknay-Palicz, executive director of the National Youth Rights Association, refutes that notion.
"Almost every other society and country around the planet has a lower drinking age than the U.S.," he said. "If the entire rest of the world is drinking before 21, and realistically, most Americans are as well, then all of us are brain-damaged."
Forbidden fruit
The 21 law has also created another problem seen more broadly during the age of Prohibition, said Ruth Engs, a professor of applied sciences at Indiana University.
"The bottom line is the 21-year-old purchase law has caused more problems related to alcohol abuse than it has prevented," she said.
Engs points to the forbidden fruit syndrome, which, she said, "has caused young adults to rebel against something they feel they are entitled to. If they can die for their country, vote, get married, sign contracts, why shouldn't they be allowed to drink?"
In Illinois, 18-year-olds can also buy cigarettes, get a hunting license and own an assault weapon. The criminalization of drinking under 21 compared to those other rights is exactly why people under 21 end up in the hospital for trying to down 21 shots on their 21st birthdays, Wishnetsky said. It's also why some youths binge-drink in secret before they turn 21.
"If you're going to commit crimes, you're not going to do it moderately," she said. "They figure they're already criminals, so they might as well behave like them. It's also a matter of opportunity. If it's more difficult to obtain alcohol, then once you get some, you have to take advantage of it to the fullest."
Brewing change
Few groups, if any, seem to advocate raising the voting or driving age to 21. The only solution to make the drinking law fair, youth rights groups say, is to lower or eliminate the age restrictions - and then trust parents and teens to make responsible choices in controlled situations.
In other words, don't allow 12-year-olds to buy a six-pack on the way home from middle school, but do allow a beer at home with Mom and Dad. At the college level, allow drinking in local bars and university-sponsored events, but no kegs in dorm rooms.
Achieving a lower drinking age, whatever the parameters, is not without a price tag.
Lowering the purchase age in Illinois, or any other state, means forfeiting federal transportation dollars. For Illinois, that would have cut a nearly $64 million hole in the state's purse in 2004.
That chunk of cash represents an abuse of federal power in the eyes of Bill Olson, executive vice president of the Associated Beer Distributors of Illinois.
"The biggest thing here from our standpoint is that this is the law of the land, and the federal government passed legislation that blackmailed the states into doing this," he said. "It's a controversy that's really beyond us as an alcohol beverage industry. It's for policy makers to decide."
Policy makers will continue to be pushed from both sides. Youth rights groups will watch Wisconsin and Vermont to begin a chain reaction of change.
"If alcohol is bad, and I believe that it is, then alcohol is bad for all people," Koroknay-Palicz said. "We believe alcohol is a problem and a vice, but the reason that we're in on this issue is equality. You can't single out young people. It's not fair."
Meanwhile, MADD and substance abuse groups will continue to chip away at the ways youths circumvent the age law.
Bars are the next frontier, said Moscato, of the Illinois Alcoholism and Drug Dependence Association. Far too many college town bars allow admission at 18, all but guaranteeing such customers will drink illegally once inside, she said. Keeping 21 the minimum purchase age is key to attacking addiction problems and giving parents a basis to push responsibility with their children and show them alcohol isn't necessary to have a good time.
"Maybe the 21 law isn't fair, but I don't know that I'm in the business of being fair when it comes to saving lives," Moscato said. "I'm not the fair queen. So I'm sorry if it's not fair, but it's right."
GRAPHIC: Key dates in drinking age laws
Jan. 1, 1980: Illinois establishes 21 as the minimum drinking age.
July 17, 1984: President Reagan signs National Minimum Drinking Age Act, which cuts off highway funds for states that don't set 21 as minimum drinking age.
Sept. 12, 1986: New state law revokes all driving privileges for a year or until driver turns 21, whichever is longer, for any person under 21 convicted of a second DUI.
Jan. 1, 1994: New state law suspends driving privileges for one year for drivers under age 21 caught illegally transporting alcohol. Driving privileges are revoked on the second offense.
Jan. 1, 1995: Illinois institutes "Use It & Lose It" law. Drivers under 21 caught with even a trace of alcohol in their systems lose their driving privileges.
Jan. 1, 2003: Local liquor commissioners ordered to report to the Secretary of State any conviction of a person under age 21 who buys, accepts, possesses or consumes alcohol. A violation results in a one-year suspension or revocation of driving privileges.
Source: Illinois Secretary of State
GRAPHIC: Other alcohol-related offenses
- Providing alcohol to a person under 21
- Parents or guardians allowing underage consumption of alcohol
- Hotel/motel employees renting rooms to someone under 21 and knowing alcoholic beverages will be consumed there
- A person 21 or older paying for a hotel room or facility knowing alcoholic beverages will be consumed there by underage individuals
Penalties: All of above are considered Class A misdemeanors with possible imprisonment for up to 1 year and fines of $500-$2,500. In addition, people over 21 paying for the hotel/motel room are liable for injuries or property damage caused by underage drinkers.
Source: Illinois Secretary of State
GRAPHIC: Underage drinking
- Alcohol is the No. 1 drug of choice for youths.
- Alcohol kills more young people than all other illicit drugs combined.
- In 2003, 2,283 people ages 15-20 were killed in alcohol-related traffic crashes, accounting for 36 percent of all traffic fatalities.
- All states prohibit possession and purchase of alcohol by those under 21, but 14 states allow consumption.
- Nearly 10 million drinkers in the United States are between the ages of 12 and 20.
Sources: Mothers Against Drunk Driving, U.S. Dept. of Health and Human Services
By: James Fuller Daily Herald Staff Writer
If the National Minimum Drinking Age Act was a person, it would likely be headed out to a local bar tonight to celebrate.
Today is the 21st birthday of the law enacted by President Ronald Reagan that tied the drinking age to federal transportation dollars. States that didn't set their minimum purchase age at 21 lost their federal road money.
The idea was to help put the brakes on drunken driving deaths among 18- to 20-year-olds - those most likely to be in alcohol-related accidents.
Twenty-one years later, government agencies and substance abuse groups say the law has played a key role in saving thousands of lives. But youth rights groups, armed with studies from sympathetic college professors, tell a different tale of self-destruction brought on by a discriminatory law.
Why 21?
As the United States continues to send young people overseas to fight wars, some lawmakers are beginning to show signs of bending to the argument of "old enough to die for the country, old enough to drink."
Wisconsin is considering lowering the drinking age for military personnel. Vermont Gov. James Douglas has voiced support for lowering its drinking age to 18 if it passes the state legislature.
If either change happens, it'll be the first sign America is learning from a longstanding failure, Arlington Heights native Brad White believes.
A senior at the University of Missouri-Columbia, White is a former staff member of the National Youth Rights Association.
"I don't think our kids can learn responsibility by just giving them alcohol and saying 'OK, be responsible' when they hit 21," White said. "You don't hand a kid a car at 16 and tell them to go drive. You have to teach them."
Driving is a key component of the issue, with statistics cited on both sides to show the law has been both a success and a failure.
From 1993 to 2003, nearly 60,000 drivers under 21 in Illinois were arrested for driving with some amount of alcohol in their blood systems, according to the secretary of state's office. Drivers under 21 are still the single largest group involved in alcohol-related deaths.
That only counts the number of people who were caught.
"It does point to a problem with underage drinking," said Brad Fralick, adviser to Illinois Secretary of State Jesse White on DUI issues. "No one is disputing that underage drinking is going on. But no matter which end you're looking at, the law has certainly been a success."
The proof of success is in the 1,000 lives the drinking age has saved every year, said Susan McKinney, executive director of Mothers Against Drunk Driving in Illinois, where the drinking age was made 21 in 1980.
MADD and other like-minded groups also cite numbers that show fewer young people are drinking now than in the mid-1980s. And while drunken driving deaths for the under-21 set still occur, they are happening less frequently than when 18-year-olds could buy alcohol.
Susan Wishnetsky is the secretary of Chicago-based Americans for a Society Free of Age Restrictions and believes those numbers are a product of selective memory.
"They single out particular age groups and particular periods of time that make their case and ignore others," she said. "What they don't mention is that the decrease in drunk driving has covered all age groups and accidents."
Seat belts, air bags, safe-driver courses and alcohol education programs are all factors contributing to lower numbers over the years. So spotlighting the age increase as the sole reason simply isn't fair, she said.
The argument comes down to civil rights versus human health.
The main support for why the drinking age is 21 versus 18 or any other age is medical research. The human brain doesn't stop developing until the early 20s. Drinking regularly before then can kill brain cells that never come back, said Sara Moscato, associate director of the Illinois Alcoholism and Drug Dependence Association.
"It wasn't an arbitrary number by any stretch of the imagination," she said.
Alex Koroknay-Palicz, executive director of the National Youth Rights Association, refutes that notion.
"Almost every other society and country around the planet has a lower drinking age than the U.S.," he said. "If the entire rest of the world is drinking before 21, and realistically, most Americans are as well, then all of us are brain-damaged."
Forbidden fruit
The 21 law has also created another problem seen more broadly during the age of Prohibition, said Ruth Engs, a professor of applied sciences at Indiana University.
"The bottom line is the 21-year-old purchase law has caused more problems related to alcohol abuse than it has prevented," she said.
Engs points to the forbidden fruit syndrome, which, she said, "has caused young adults to rebel against something they feel they are entitled to. If they can die for their country, vote, get married, sign contracts, why shouldn't they be allowed to drink?"
In Illinois, 18-year-olds can also buy cigarettes, get a hunting license and own an assault weapon. The criminalization of drinking under 21 compared to those other rights is exactly why people under 21 end up in the hospital for trying to down 21 shots on their 21st birthdays, Wishnetsky said. It's also why some youths binge-drink in secret before they turn 21.
"If you're going to commit crimes, you're not going to do it moderately," she said. "They figure they're already criminals, so they might as well behave like them. It's also a matter of opportunity. If it's more difficult to obtain alcohol, then once you get some, you have to take advantage of it to the fullest."
Brewing change
Few groups, if any, seem to advocate raising the voting or driving age to 21. The only solution to make the drinking law fair, youth rights groups say, is to lower or eliminate the age restrictions - and then trust parents and teens to make responsible choices in controlled situations.
In other words, don't allow 12-year-olds to buy a six-pack on the way home from middle school, but do allow a beer at home with Mom and Dad. At the college level, allow drinking in local bars and university-sponsored events, but no kegs in dorm rooms.
Achieving a lower drinking age, whatever the parameters, is not without a price tag.
Lowering the purchase age in Illinois, or any other state, means forfeiting federal transportation dollars. For Illinois, that would have cut a nearly $64 million hole in the state's purse in 2004.
That chunk of cash represents an abuse of federal power in the eyes of Bill Olson, executive vice president of the Associated Beer Distributors of Illinois.
"The biggest thing here from our standpoint is that this is the law of the land, and the federal government passed legislation that blackmailed the states into doing this," he said. "It's a controversy that's really beyond us as an alcohol beverage industry. It's for policy makers to decide."
Policy makers will continue to be pushed from both sides. Youth rights groups will watch Wisconsin and Vermont to begin a chain reaction of change.
"If alcohol is bad, and I believe that it is, then alcohol is bad for all people," Koroknay-Palicz said. "We believe alcohol is a problem and a vice, but the reason that we're in on this issue is equality. You can't single out young people. It's not fair."
Meanwhile, MADD and substance abuse groups will continue to chip away at the ways youths circumvent the age law.
Bars are the next frontier, said Moscato, of the Illinois Alcoholism and Drug Dependence Association. Far too many college town bars allow admission at 18, all but guaranteeing such customers will drink illegally once inside, she said. Keeping 21 the minimum purchase age is key to attacking addiction problems and giving parents a basis to push responsibility with their children and show them alcohol isn't necessary to have a good time.
"Maybe the 21 law isn't fair, but I don't know that I'm in the business of being fair when it comes to saving lives," Moscato said. "I'm not the fair queen. So I'm sorry if it's not fair, but it's right."
GRAPHIC: Key dates in drinking age laws
Jan. 1, 1980: Illinois establishes 21 as the minimum drinking age.
July 17, 1984: President Reagan signs National Minimum Drinking Age Act, which cuts off highway funds for states that don't set 21 as minimum drinking age.
Sept. 12, 1986: New state law revokes all driving privileges for a year or until driver turns 21, whichever is longer, for any person under 21 convicted of a second DUI.
Jan. 1, 1994: New state law suspends driving privileges for one year for drivers under age 21 caught illegally transporting alcohol. Driving privileges are revoked on the second offense.
Jan. 1, 1995: Illinois institutes "Use It & Lose It" law. Drivers under 21 caught with even a trace of alcohol in their systems lose their driving privileges.
Jan. 1, 2003: Local liquor commissioners ordered to report to the Secretary of State any conviction of a person under age 21 who buys, accepts, possesses or consumes alcohol. A violation results in a one-year suspension or revocation of driving privileges.
Source: Illinois Secretary of State
GRAPHIC: Other alcohol-related offenses
- Providing alcohol to a person under 21
- Parents or guardians allowing underage consumption of alcohol
- Hotel/motel employees renting rooms to someone under 21 and knowing alcoholic beverages will be consumed there
- A person 21 or older paying for a hotel room or facility knowing alcoholic beverages will be consumed there by underage individuals
Penalties: All of above are considered Class A misdemeanors with possible imprisonment for up to 1 year and fines of $500-$2,500. In addition, people over 21 paying for the hotel/motel room are liable for injuries or property damage caused by underage drinkers.
Source: Illinois Secretary of State
GRAPHIC: Underage drinking
- Alcohol is the No. 1 drug of choice for youths.
- Alcohol kills more young people than all other illicit drugs combined.
- In 2003, 2,283 people ages 15-20 were killed in alcohol-related traffic crashes, accounting for 36 percent of all traffic fatalities.
- All states prohibit possession and purchase of alcohol by those under 21, but 14 states allow consumption.
- Nearly 10 million drinkers in the United States are between the ages of 12 and 20.
Sources: Mothers Against Drunk Driving, U.S. Dept. of Health and Human Services
(Part 4 of 4 parts) Reuniting a family
August 13 2003
James Fuller Daily Herald Staff Writer
With a not-guilty plea on Tuesday, Sonia Galindo set in motion a trial she hopes will justify her actions in the hearts of her boys, if not in eyes of the law.
Galindo is accused of abducting her two sons, Bryan and Sean, and fleeing to Mexico in violation of a custody decree. She is charged with two counts of felony child abduction.
For two years she was an FBI fugitive with four felony warrants out for her arrest. With her Mexican citizenship, a right also transferred to her sons, she remained beyond the grasp of U.S. law enforcement. In April, with promises of leniency, Galindo brought her sons back to the United States.
She's regretted it ever since.
According to Galindo, leniency comes with the price of selling out her sons. She said authorities pitched two years of supervision and 200 hours of community service in exchange for her guilty plea and a statement saying she fabricated charges of abuse against their father, Don Anderson. She would also have to admit that she took the boys against their will and rat out the people who helped her escape the country.
The price is simply too high, she said, and she intends to reject the deal.
"My boys didn't lie, and I didn't lie either," Galindo said while choking through tears in a phone interview. "I'm not going to lie now. I'm not going to pin something on my sons. I'd rather spend the rest of my life in jail."
Galindo, 48, faces up to three years in prison if convicted.
Those charges stem from a series of incidents starting with the divorce of Galindo and Anderson in 1996. The couple initially shared custody of the boys, but court documents show Galindo didn't live up to her end of the deal.
Bryan and Sean missed appointments, school and church. Fed up by the violations of the divorce decree, Anderson took Galindo back to court and won sole custody.
That's when Galindo filed charges against Anderson, alleging that he physically abused Bryan and Sean. But Galindo's changing accounts of the abuse combined with what police describe as "spoon-fed" testimony from Bryan that his father beat him on several occasions made authorities suspicious. The stories never matched, and there was never any physical evidence, according to police. The court dismissed all the charges against Anderson.
In defeat, Galindo took the boys on her visitation weekend and bolted across the border.
Galindo stands by her abuse allegations.
"If he had been a good father, I never would have taken them out of the country," Galindo said. "The reason I took them was because they were going to kill themselves. They were going to throw themselves in front of a train.
"I know taking them out of the country was wrong," she said. "I just felt like I needed to do it. My boys are alive today because of me. The boys know why I did it."
Anderson said Galindo's outcry is a ploy for public sympathy with no basis in fact.
He said that when the boys returned from Mexico in April, they were in poor health. They lacked basic immunizations, dental care and were so distraught they were taking anti-depressants. Visits to the doctor and dentist corrected the health issues, and they are no longer taking medication.
Now, Anderson reports, Bryan and Sean are in summer school to get a head start on their fall classes.
Bryan, 13, will enter eighth grade at Daniel Wright Junior High School in Lincolnshire-Prairie View Elementary District 103. Anderson said Bryan has found a love for language and hopes to study French, Spanish and Italian. Sean, 15, will be a sophomore at Stevenson High School, having earned high B's in biology over the summer.
Galindo is barred from any contact with Anderson or her sons.. It's a brutal reality for her as she awaits the outcome of her case while living with her sister in Vernon Hills, barely a mile from where Anderson lives with the boys. Future contact will depend largely on the outcome of her trial.
Galindo said she fears for her sons' safety but doesn't think Anderson would hurt them while the case is in the spotlight.
Anderson said he refuses to get into a slander competition with Galindo. He just wants it all to be over.
That process begins Sept. 22, with the start of Galindo's trial. First, she'll have a status hearing on Sept. 10.
Galindo is already convinced she'll go to prison. She said law officers and Anderson duped her into coming back to the United States with false promises. She said she wasn't given an attorney or read her rights when initially taken into custody by the FBI and Buffalo Grove police.
Galindo has little money and said the public defense attorneys appointed to her have shown little interest in her case. With help from her family, she has now hired her own attorney, Steven Messner of Wilmette. Galindo still isn't convinced she'll receive adequate representation at the trial.
Messner said he was unaware of Galindo's comments to the press, but he was still investigating the facts of the case.
"I think the facts go further than what's apparent," Messner said, but would not elaborate.
Buffalo Grove police did not return phone requests for interviews Tuesday.
Galindo said she's not concerned about the consequences of her public comments or how people perceive her. She said she's ready to face whatever happens as long as she can hold onto the possibility that someday, Bryan and Sean will be back in her life.
"I know what I am," Galindo said. "I'm not perfect. I've made mistakes, but I'm a good mother. I don't want my sons to ever think I used them to bargain with. I know someday, when they're older, they'll come back to me."
James Fuller Daily Herald Staff Writer
With a not-guilty plea on Tuesday, Sonia Galindo set in motion a trial she hopes will justify her actions in the hearts of her boys, if not in eyes of the law.
Galindo is accused of abducting her two sons, Bryan and Sean, and fleeing to Mexico in violation of a custody decree. She is charged with two counts of felony child abduction.
For two years she was an FBI fugitive with four felony warrants out for her arrest. With her Mexican citizenship, a right also transferred to her sons, she remained beyond the grasp of U.S. law enforcement. In April, with promises of leniency, Galindo brought her sons back to the United States.
She's regretted it ever since.
According to Galindo, leniency comes with the price of selling out her sons. She said authorities pitched two years of supervision and 200 hours of community service in exchange for her guilty plea and a statement saying she fabricated charges of abuse against their father, Don Anderson. She would also have to admit that she took the boys against their will and rat out the people who helped her escape the country.
The price is simply too high, she said, and she intends to reject the deal.
"My boys didn't lie, and I didn't lie either," Galindo said while choking through tears in a phone interview. "I'm not going to lie now. I'm not going to pin something on my sons. I'd rather spend the rest of my life in jail."
Galindo, 48, faces up to three years in prison if convicted.
Those charges stem from a series of incidents starting with the divorce of Galindo and Anderson in 1996. The couple initially shared custody of the boys, but court documents show Galindo didn't live up to her end of the deal.
Bryan and Sean missed appointments, school and church. Fed up by the violations of the divorce decree, Anderson took Galindo back to court and won sole custody.
That's when Galindo filed charges against Anderson, alleging that he physically abused Bryan and Sean. But Galindo's changing accounts of the abuse combined with what police describe as "spoon-fed" testimony from Bryan that his father beat him on several occasions made authorities suspicious. The stories never matched, and there was never any physical evidence, according to police. The court dismissed all the charges against Anderson.
In defeat, Galindo took the boys on her visitation weekend and bolted across the border.
Galindo stands by her abuse allegations.
"If he had been a good father, I never would have taken them out of the country," Galindo said. "The reason I took them was because they were going to kill themselves. They were going to throw themselves in front of a train.
"I know taking them out of the country was wrong," she said. "I just felt like I needed to do it. My boys are alive today because of me. The boys know why I did it."
Anderson said Galindo's outcry is a ploy for public sympathy with no basis in fact.
He said that when the boys returned from Mexico in April, they were in poor health. They lacked basic immunizations, dental care and were so distraught they were taking anti-depressants. Visits to the doctor and dentist corrected the health issues, and they are no longer taking medication.
Now, Anderson reports, Bryan and Sean are in summer school to get a head start on their fall classes.
Bryan, 13, will enter eighth grade at Daniel Wright Junior High School in Lincolnshire-Prairie View Elementary District 103. Anderson said Bryan has found a love for language and hopes to study French, Spanish and Italian. Sean, 15, will be a sophomore at Stevenson High School, having earned high B's in biology over the summer.
Galindo is barred from any contact with Anderson or her sons.. It's a brutal reality for her as she awaits the outcome of her case while living with her sister in Vernon Hills, barely a mile from where Anderson lives with the boys. Future contact will depend largely on the outcome of her trial.
Galindo said she fears for her sons' safety but doesn't think Anderson would hurt them while the case is in the spotlight.
Anderson said he refuses to get into a slander competition with Galindo. He just wants it all to be over.
That process begins Sept. 22, with the start of Galindo's trial. First, she'll have a status hearing on Sept. 10.
Galindo is already convinced she'll go to prison. She said law officers and Anderson duped her into coming back to the United States with false promises. She said she wasn't given an attorney or read her rights when initially taken into custody by the FBI and Buffalo Grove police.
Galindo has little money and said the public defense attorneys appointed to her have shown little interest in her case. With help from her family, she has now hired her own attorney, Steven Messner of Wilmette. Galindo still isn't convinced she'll receive adequate representation at the trial.
Messner said he was unaware of Galindo's comments to the press, but he was still investigating the facts of the case.
"I think the facts go further than what's apparent," Messner said, but would not elaborate.
Buffalo Grove police did not return phone requests for interviews Tuesday.
Galindo said she's not concerned about the consequences of her public comments or how people perceive her. She said she's ready to face whatever happens as long as she can hold onto the possibility that someday, Bryan and Sean will be back in her life.
"I know what I am," Galindo said. "I'm not perfect. I've made mistakes, but I'm a good mother. I don't want my sons to ever think I used them to bargain with. I know someday, when they're older, they'll come back to me."
(Part 3 of 4 parts) Reuniting a family
April 25 2003
James Fuller Daily Herald Staff Writer
The worst nightmare for all parents is to have their children stolen from them and not be able to do anything about it. Every thought, every dream that follows is about getting them back.
On Thursday night, Don Anderson's nightmare ended and all the dreams became reality. His sons were back home in Vernon Hills.
"It just shows if you keep plugging along and pray and have faith, the system does work," Anderson tearfully said earlier Thursday. "Right now, they start life all over again and I get to do what I do best. Being a dad, that's what I do best in life."
Bryan was 10 and Sean was 12 when they were kidnapped by their mother, Sonia Galindo, and taken to Mexico.
The kidnapping followed a calamitous divorce in 1996. Galindo and Anderson initially shared custody, but Galindo couldn't live up to her end of the agreement. The boys missed appointments, school and church, and her violations of the divorce decree stockpiled. The courts eventually awarded Anderson sole custody, citing Galindo's documented history of poor parenting skills and erratic behavior.
That's when authorities say Galindo began an intricate slander campaign against Anderson, going so far as to file false abuse charges against him. Galindo's ever-changing accounts of the abuse met with seemingly spoon-fed testimony from Bryan, and all the charges were dropped. In defeat, Galindo kidnapped the boys and bolted to Mexico.
With the Mexican government viewing them as citizens because of Galindo's dual-citizen status, it seemed like Anderson would never get his boys back. Only 4 percent of U.S. children abducted and taken to Mexico ever return.
After 2 1/2 years and more than $200,000 of Anderson's money spent for private investigators and legal translations, and endless lobbying of foreign governments and negotiating through police and the FBI, Galindo surrendered to agents at 1 p.m. Thursday at O'Hare International Airport.
Police had agreed to lobby the courts for no jail time in exchange for Galindo's return. She faced four felony warrants for the abduction.
Now may be the beginning of a happy ending.
Galindo, a former Buffalo Grove resident, will have to go through a court process in order to see her sons again. Prosecutors will push for psychiatric counseling and supervised visitation. In the meantime, she'll live with family in Vernon Hills while out on bond.
Buffalo Grove police also will decide whether to go after the people who helped Galindo kidnap the boys and assist her while she was in Mexico.
As for the boys, now 13 and 14, their road back is longest of all. A recent conversation the boys had with their father revealed some negative feelings for him. Psychologists say they and their father must work through any falsehoods Galindo fed them while they were away. Beyond that, they have to get to know their father all over again.
Anderson said he's ready for the challenge.
He's spent the past few days shopping for all the things they love like snacks, ice cream and Fruity Pebbles. He set up the trampoline in the yard again. Their rooms are ready. The basement he converted into a recreation room specifically for their return will finally be used.
All the photos of the good times they had are on the walls. Family and old friends from their days at Daniel Wright Junior High in Lincolnshire-Prairie View District 103 are on standby for when Bryan and Sean are ready to see them.
Anderson wants the boys to be able to see their mother again when she's ready and the boys fully understand what happened to them.
It will take a lot of counseling and quality time with their father before that understanding develops.
"It's been such a horrific two and a half years," Anderson said before meeting up with his sons again. "When I see them, I'm just going to want to hug them. I realize I might not get that right away. They might call me names. They might scream and yell, but that's OK. When they walk in that door, I'm here for them.
"I've got my sights set on tomorrow, the next day and six months from now," he continued. "I'm dealing with the heat of the day now, but I know it's going to be a beautiful night."
James Fuller Daily Herald Staff Writer
The worst nightmare for all parents is to have their children stolen from them and not be able to do anything about it. Every thought, every dream that follows is about getting them back.
On Thursday night, Don Anderson's nightmare ended and all the dreams became reality. His sons were back home in Vernon Hills.
"It just shows if you keep plugging along and pray and have faith, the system does work," Anderson tearfully said earlier Thursday. "Right now, they start life all over again and I get to do what I do best. Being a dad, that's what I do best in life."
Bryan was 10 and Sean was 12 when they were kidnapped by their mother, Sonia Galindo, and taken to Mexico.
The kidnapping followed a calamitous divorce in 1996. Galindo and Anderson initially shared custody, but Galindo couldn't live up to her end of the agreement. The boys missed appointments, school and church, and her violations of the divorce decree stockpiled. The courts eventually awarded Anderson sole custody, citing Galindo's documented history of poor parenting skills and erratic behavior.
That's when authorities say Galindo began an intricate slander campaign against Anderson, going so far as to file false abuse charges against him. Galindo's ever-changing accounts of the abuse met with seemingly spoon-fed testimony from Bryan, and all the charges were dropped. In defeat, Galindo kidnapped the boys and bolted to Mexico.
With the Mexican government viewing them as citizens because of Galindo's dual-citizen status, it seemed like Anderson would never get his boys back. Only 4 percent of U.S. children abducted and taken to Mexico ever return.
After 2 1/2 years and more than $200,000 of Anderson's money spent for private investigators and legal translations, and endless lobbying of foreign governments and negotiating through police and the FBI, Galindo surrendered to agents at 1 p.m. Thursday at O'Hare International Airport.
Police had agreed to lobby the courts for no jail time in exchange for Galindo's return. She faced four felony warrants for the abduction.
Now may be the beginning of a happy ending.
Galindo, a former Buffalo Grove resident, will have to go through a court process in order to see her sons again. Prosecutors will push for psychiatric counseling and supervised visitation. In the meantime, she'll live with family in Vernon Hills while out on bond.
Buffalo Grove police also will decide whether to go after the people who helped Galindo kidnap the boys and assist her while she was in Mexico.
As for the boys, now 13 and 14, their road back is longest of all. A recent conversation the boys had with their father revealed some negative feelings for him. Psychologists say they and their father must work through any falsehoods Galindo fed them while they were away. Beyond that, they have to get to know their father all over again.
Anderson said he's ready for the challenge.
He's spent the past few days shopping for all the things they love like snacks, ice cream and Fruity Pebbles. He set up the trampoline in the yard again. Their rooms are ready. The basement he converted into a recreation room specifically for their return will finally be used.
All the photos of the good times they had are on the walls. Family and old friends from their days at Daniel Wright Junior High in Lincolnshire-Prairie View District 103 are on standby for when Bryan and Sean are ready to see them.
Anderson wants the boys to be able to see their mother again when she's ready and the boys fully understand what happened to them.
It will take a lot of counseling and quality time with their father before that understanding develops.
"It's been such a horrific two and a half years," Anderson said before meeting up with his sons again. "When I see them, I'm just going to want to hug them. I realize I might not get that right away. They might call me names. They might scream and yell, but that's OK. When they walk in that door, I'm here for them.
"I've got my sights set on tomorrow, the next day and six months from now," he continued. "I'm dealing with the heat of the day now, but I know it's going to be a beautiful night."
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